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Donald Trump has said he “doesn’t care about the Europeans” when it comes to dealing with Iran as the feud between Washington and Tehran escalates.
The US president said he had called off an attack against Iran in response to the shooting down of an American drone because he “didn’t think it was proportionate”.
Yet Mr Trump also said the US military had identified Iranian targets for air strikes. “I have so many targets you wouldn’t believe … We have targets all over,” he told interviewer Chuck Todd on NBC’s Meet the Press.
“I’m not looking for war and if there is, it’ll be obliteration like you’ve never seen before. But I’m not looking to do that.”
Mr Trump dismissed European leaders’ efforts to uphold the Iranian nuclear deal forged between world powers in 2015.
“I don’t care about the Europeans,” he said. “The Europeans are going out and making a lot of money … In France, they’re selling cars to Iran. They’re doing other things.”
He added: “And let me tell you, we’re very good to Europe. We take care of them. NATO, we spend a tremendous amount … On trade, the European Union’s taken, really, they have really taken advantage of us for a long time.”
Mr Trump said he backed away from the planned strikes about 30 minutes before the planes were ready to leave after learning 150 people would be killed. “I didn’t like it. I didn’t think it was, I didn’t think it was proportionate.”
Asked by Mr Todd whether he felt pushed into military action by any of his team, such as national security adviser John Bolton, the US president said: “I have two groups of people. I have doves and I have hawks.
“Yeah, John Bolton is absolutely a hawk. If it was up to him he’d take on the whole world at one time, okay? But that doesn’t matter because I want both sides.”
WATCH: President Trump tells Meet the Press: “Saudi Arabia is a big buyer of American product. That means something to me. It’s a big producer of jobs.… Take their money. Take their money, Chuck. “
Asked what he thinks Iran wants, Mr Trump said, “I think they want to negotiate. And I think they want to make a deal. And my deal is nuclear. Look, they’re not going to have a nuclear weapon … I don’t think they like the position they’re in. Their economy is absolutely broken.”
Questioned about the death of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, Mr Trump said he did not discuss it during a phone call on Friday with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.
When asked about arms deals with Saudi Arabia, the president said: “I’m not like a fool that says, “We don’t want to do business with them.” And by the way, if they don’t do business with us, you know what they do? They’ll do business with the Russians or with the Chinese … Take their money. Take their money, Chuck.”
source :The Independent
Xildhibaan Dhakool Sidee uu u mid uga sii ahaan karaa Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland isaga oo Aminsan in :
a) 18 may tahay maalin beesha isaaq ay iska lee dahay.
b) Gobolada darafyadu waxay 18 May u yaqaanin maalin madow.
c) beesha SNM ayaa xanuun ka qaadey 26 Juun taas oo ay uga guureen 18 May.
d) 18 May waa maalintii la qaxiyey buuhoodle iyo boorame.
Waxaa aan u arkaa in ay ceeb ku tahay Golaha wakiilada in uu ka sii mid noqdo golaha wakiilada Somaliland.
Waxaa ku haboon in uu is casilo oo uu ka tego golaha wakiilada iyo waliba siyaasadaba.
Waxaa ay u muuqataa hadaladiisu kuwo ku saleysan xinqi iyo ka fogaansho runta 18 May oo ah maalintii Dadka reer Somaliland isa saamaxeen nabad iyo wada noolaasho ku heshiiyeen saldhigana u ah nabada iyo horumarka dalka sidaa darted dhakool fikirkuusu waa mid halis ku aha nabada iyo wada noolashaha bulshada reer Somaliland.
Sidaa darted waa in uu shacabka Somaliland ka raali geliyaa waxii uu yidhi waana in uu iscasilaa oo uu ka dhuuntaa shacabka reer Somaliland ilaa inta uu mawqifkiisa bedelayo.
Siyaasigu waxaa uu metelaa shacabka oo dhan reer keliya ma matalo,balse waxaa uu ku yimaadaa cod inta badan ee degaanka ama gobolka laga soo doortey sida guud ahaan dhacda golalha wakiilada ee dalalka dimoqraadiga ah.
Sidaa darted waxaa aan rajeynayaa dhakool in uu mustaqbalka dambe uu bedelo Wakiil wax tar leh oo gobolka laga soo doortey iyo qaranka somalilandba ku wada nolaadaan siyaasada iyo stragyyada qaranka ee walaaleynta iyo mideynta bulshada reer Somaliland. Dhakoolna waxaa u arkaa xildhibaan lagu qasaarey, marka aan dhageystey war bixintiisa waa mid u muuqata isku dir iyo abaabul fidno.
Somaliya wakhtigaasi waxa ay isku hayteen Kursiga Madaxtinimada oo loolan adagi ka taagnaa waxaa lagu hashiin waayey cidii dalka madaxweyne ka noqon lahayd kol hadii Maxamed Siyaad Bare laga Saarey Magaala Madaxdii Somaliya ee Muqdisho.
Gen.Caydiid iyo Cali Mahdi oo isku Beel ka Soo jeeda ayaa loolan adagi ku dhexmarey fagaarayaasha siyaasada ee Konfurta Somaliya,Waxaana la kala Saftey kooxo siyaasiin ah oo aan isku raad ama fikir siyaasadeed ahayn kuwaas oo ka mid ahaa xoogaga kursi doonka ah ee aan wax kursiga madaxnimada dhaafsani aaney u muuqan.
Sidaa darteed Bishi November ee Sanadkii 1991 waxaa bilowday in xaalada Somaliya ee Koonfurta ay yeelatay waji Cusub oo aan dagaal ka fursaneyn ay gacmaha iskula tagaan Gen.Caydiid iyo Cali Mahdi oo madaxweyne isku cumaamadey.Labadan oday waxay kawada tirsanayeen Ururkii USC.
Somaliland se Cudurkaa Kursi doonku wuu saf mareeyey( si fudud uu u dhaafay). Kala tegidii dhinaca Siyaasada ee Somaliland iyo Somaliya waxay bilaaban tay markii Somaliland Siyaasiinteeda odayadeeda aqoon yahankeedu isku raaceen in wadanka la wada dhiso oo aan kursi lagu mashquulin,Turunturooyinka iyo jidgooyada Somaliland in aaney taabo qaadin waa ay socotey oo dagaalku waa jirey balse cadaadisku waxaa uu u sii jeeday dhinaca Somaliya oo wakhtigaa unugyo kala duwani midba midka kale uga dheereenayey madaxnimada Somaliya sidaa darteed faragelinta arimaha gudaha ee Somaliland way yareyd wakhtigaasi oo xoogaga lidka ku ahi may firfircooneyn,waayo waxaa ay ku hawlanayeen Somaliya iyo arimaheeda,dhinaca kale Somaliland waxaa indhaha caalamka ka laliyey waayaha Somaliya oo noqotey Khabrigii Mucaawinooyinka iyo gaajada. Khilaafkii dhinaca hogaanka iyo madaxnimada ee Gen. Caydiid iyo Cali Mahdi u dhaxeeyey ayaa gaadhey ee ay somalida konfureed ay soo wajahdo xaalad bila adamnimo oo aad u xun sababteyna in, Kumanaal shacab ahi ay ku dhintaan dagaalkaas labad oday hogaaminayeen . Qamada midowbay ayaa isku keenay si loo heshiisiiyo taas oo ay
March 3, 1992 – Maxamed Faarax Caydiid iyo Cali Mahdi Maxamed ay wada saxiixaan heshiis xabbad joojin ah oo ay soo abaabushey Qaramada Midoobey, laakiin waxay hor jogayaashu ku heshiin waayeen sida loo maaraynayo xabbad joojinta . Dhinaca kale Somaliland wax heshiisiinaya oo debeda uga yimaada lama hayo ilaa wakhtigan waayo umeyba baahan shisheeya heshiisiiya.
Maqaalkaygan waxaa aan isku barbar kooban ku sameenayaa waxa yaabaha ay ku kala tageen Somaliland iyo Somaliya 28 sanadood ee ugu dambeeyey iyo sabaha keenay iney kala durkaan oo ay ka kala horumaraan dhinacyada Siyaasad,Dhaqaalaha,Waxbarasha iyo Caafimaadka.Aniga oo midmid uga hadlidoona waana dood furan oo si cilmiyeysan aynu iskula eegi doono waxyaabahaasi.
Somalidu waxay ku maahmaahdaa Aqoon La’aani Waa Iftiin La’aan!
Sanadkii 1991 bishii May 17 go’aanadii wada jirka ahaa ee ay wadagaadheen Madax dhaqameedada , Waxgaradka, ganacsatada ,siyaasintaSomaliland iyo Ururkii SNM ee Shirkii Burco ayaa lagu go’aamiyey qaraar dhigaya in Somaliland ka noqotey Midowgii labadii gobol ee Woqooyiga( Somaliland 26 Juun 1960) iyo Konfurta(Italiana Somali 1 July 1960) ee ay Ku midoobeen 1 July 1960 hal dal oo la yidhaahdo Jamhuuriyada Somaliya.
Wixii laga bilaabo 18 May 1991 Somaliland Waxay hirgalisey oo ay goosatey go’aankaas taariikhiga ah oo Shacabkii Somalilandna aad u taageereen muujiyeena sida ay uga raali yihiin dib ula soo noqoshada xoriyadoodii ay sida fudud ee bilaa shuruuda ah ugu wareejiyeen Somalidii Konfureed.
Go’aankaasi qodobada ku jirey waxaa ka mid ahaa in guud ahaanba dhibaatooyinkii uu abuuray Taliskii Maxamed Siyaad Bare ee uu reer reerka hubka iskugu dhiibey ee uu ku kala qaybiyey dadkii wada dhashay ee reer Somaliland aan wax aargoosi ah iyo wax dhibaato dambe ah oo bulshada dhexdeeda ah la geysan oo sidaa laysku saamaxo wadankana lawada dhisto oo Somaliland mid ah la abuuro dhinac kastana nabad iyo cadaalad lagu wada noolaado.
Go’aankaasi wuxuu ahaa mid sax ah oo wakhtigii ku haboonaa dhacay waana midka Somaliland ka badbaadiyey dhibaatada ka taagan ilaa hada mandaqada.
Shirkaa iyo qabanqaabadiisa ma jiro cid ka taageertay sida dawlado shisheeye,hayado caalamiya iwm Waxgaradka iyo Siyaasiinta Somaliland ee wakhtigaasi shirka qababqaabadiisa iyo habsami u socodkiisa wadey markaasi oo wax walba oo tasiilad ahi aaney jirin dhaqaale,maamul,dawlad iwm balse waxgaradkii Wakhtigaasi guntiga u xidheen sidii ay u badbaadin la’aayeen umadooda Alle(swt) mahad dhamaanteed isaga ayaa iska leh waa uu u suurageliyey niyadaasi wanaagsan ee ay la yimaadeen iyo wanaagaasi.
Isweydiintu waxay tahay waxaa aynu maqalnaa Abaal gudyo Caalamiya oo la siiyo Shaqsiyaad ama hayado aduunka wax ku soo kordhiyey (Awarded for outstanding contributions for humanity in chemistry, literature, peace, physics, physiology or medicine and economic sciences).Sida Peace Noble Braze ka iwm. Siyaasiintii iyo Madax dhaqameedkii shirkii Burco ee 1991 way istaahileen abaal gudkaa iyo mid ka sareeya ee haydaha bixiya Abaal marintaasi xagey la mareen?
Halkaa waxaad ka garan kartaa in xitaa aduunku kala bakheylay in lagu hambalyeyo nabada iyo wanaaga ka dhashay shirkii Burco ee taariikhda Caalamka aan hore uga dhicin in urur Hubeysan oo dal xoog ku qabsadey intuu Waxgaradii dalka iskugu yeedhay shir u qabtey lagaga arinsanayo mustaqbalka siyaasadeed ee dal waliba ka dhaceen xasuuqyada taariikhda caalamka naadirka ku ah sida ka dhacdey Somaliland Bishii May 1988 kii.
La soco qaybaha Dambe……….
Source: British Embassy Mogadishu
The Baidoa Security Training Centre will support the Somali National Army and promote long-term stability and security in Somali
MOGADISHU, Somalia, June 10, 2019/APO Group/ —
Somalia’s Minister of Defence, Hassan Ali Mohammed, Southwest State Speaker, Abdulkadir Shariif Sheekhuna, and the UK Foreign Office’s Political Director, Richard Moore, today opened a new UK training facility for the Somali National Army (SNA) in Baidoa.
The Baidoa Security Training Centre (BSTC), supported by the British government’s Conflict, Stability and Security Fund (CSSF), will support the SNA and promote long-term stability and security in Somalia. The new centre will train up to 120 Somali National Army soldiers at a time and will help the SNA improve the quality of its training.
Speaking at the opening of the facility, British Ambassador to Somalia, Ben Fender, said:
“The UK is one of the major international providers of support to the Somali National Army. We’re playing a central part in helping the SNA conduct current operations in Lower Shabelle including through giving practical help to the newly recovered areas – like new housing for Sabid community.”
The UK is one of the major international providers of support to the Somali National Army
“In Baidoa, the Somali forces we are supporting have been building defensive positions to make the approach roads into the city more secure. This is having a direct impact on the number of attacks in the city and the security of the surrounding area.”
“The SNA are motivated, keen to learn and professional. We are committed to long-term co-operation in order to help Somalia improve security and regain full control over its territory.”
The Somalia’s Minister of Defence, Hassan Ali Mohammed said:
“Security and stability is crucial for the future of Somalia. Al Shabaab is a threat to the national security and supporting the army is vital in undermining the extremist efforts.”
“I would like to thank the UK government for their continuous support to Somalia. To the SNA you have an important role to play in securing the country, take advantage of the trainings provided to better yourself and to secure the country.”
The British military personnel have been training the SNA since January 2017. They have delivered courses on areas such as medical skills, leadership, equipment care, logistics and human rights.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of British Embassy Mogadishu.
Waxaa loo bahan yahay in aynu dalkeena ilaashano iskaashano,nabadana ilaalino Somaliland waa lawada leeyahay,balse far qudhi fool ma dhaqdo!
Waxaa laga hayey in oday ah arintaa aan qoralkeygan sal dhiga uga dhigay.
Waxaa aad moodaa dadka qaarkood in ay aduunka hada yimaadeen oo aaney waxba ka ogeyn dhibaatooyinkii uu umada Somaliland u geystey keli taliyihii maxamed siyaad Bare.
Waxa yaabaha laga xishooda waxaa ka mida hadalka nin kan odayga ah ee weliba video yaha iska soo duubey oo uu Madaxweyne Muuse biixi uu siyaad bare barbar dhigayo .
Waxaa beryahan dambe isa soo taraya dad malaha u ooman in mar labaad maxamed siyaad bare ku soo noolaado oo ay dulcad iyo daroor qamidii qaxootiga ku cunaan.
Dadkaasi waa kuwo xijin kari la nicmada Allah(swt) uu ugu nicmeeyey ee Nabadu kow katahay, dhaqaalaha iyo horumarka gees walba, xoriyadu salka u tahay doorashooyinku astaan u yahiin waa kuwo raba in ay fidmo hor leh geliyaan qarankan Somaliland ee horumarey waa kuwo u oogan in taariikhda dib uGu noqoto xiligan ila daawo Video yahan:
By Greg Mills and Emily van Der Merwe• 8 May 2019
Twin scourges of khat-chewing and poor education standards, particularly among girls, continue to blight Somaliland’s economy and society. (Photo: Greg Mills).
Following a bitter civil war that saw the forces of Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre cruelly bomb and strip the capital of Hargeisa, the Somali National Movement booted out the occupiers and set about creating the conditions for stability in Somaliland which have endured for nearly three decades.
“A place that has made something out of virtually nothing” is how former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo describes the progress made by Somaliland.
His trip there this month was the first by an African president, current or past, since the territory re-declared its independence in 1991. In June 1960, Somaliland gained its independence from its colonial master Britain before making an ill-fated decision to join former Italian Somaliland five days later in a union that was envisaged ultimately to include French Somalia (now Djibouti), the Somali-dominated Ogaden region of Ethiopia (now Region 5) and a chunk of northern Kenya.
Following a bitter civil war that saw the forces of Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre cruelly bomb and strip the capital of Hargeisa (in which by 1990 only an estimated 2,000 of its former population of 500,000 remained), the Somali National Movement booted out the occupiers and set about creating the conditions for stability which have endured for nearly three decades.
Peace did not require vast external resources. There were none available anyway, at the time.
The peace process was constructed on five major internal meetings, starting with the Grand Conference of the Northern Peoples in Burao, held over six weeks, and concluding with the declaration of Somaliland’s independence from Somalia on 18 May 1991. 4
The declaration was signed in an octangular tin-roofed building near the colonial governor’s building, without electricity and running water, the white walls outside still pock-marked by bullet holes. The peace conferences were managed and financed by locals, bringing their own food and shelter. 3
They stuck with a winning formula. The last Somaliland conference in Boroma in 1993 was similarly held over five months under the trees. 3
Such events were bottom-up rather than top-down. Somalilanders concentrated on achieving peace, not on acquiring comforts and financial rents for delegates from the process, a feature which has continually by contrast blighted Somalia’s attempts to the south, where “conflict entrepreneurs” have fed off both the fighting and the talking in a top-down process financed by donors, and which has largely taken place outside the country. 5
Peace in Somaliland demanded persistence, as has the recovery which has followed.
The former British protectorate has developed a stable, democratic system of politics, merging modern and traditional elements. In 2002, Somaliland made the transition from a clan-based system to multi-party democracy after a 2001 referendum, retaining an Upper House of Elders (guurti), which secures the support of traditional clan-based power structures.
There have since been regular elections and frequent turnover of power between the main political parties. The 2003 presidential election was won by Dahir Riyale Kahin by just 80 votes in nearly half a million from Ahmed M Mahamoud Silanyo. The tables were turned between the two in 2010. Former Somali National Movement fighter Muse Bihi Abdi was elected in 2017, receiving 55% of the vote.
This is not the only check and balance. The rule of law, says the Chief Justice, Aadam X Cali Axmed, “demands a separation of powers and a strong judiciary.” The court system, which uses codified British law at the centre and forms of Sharia law in the district courts, has found its feet and grown in strength. Here, also, traditional and modern elements function side by side, with community courts outside the formal judicial system deciding on civil matters before reverting back for endorsement.
Critics say that Somaliland’s democracy has been facilitated by the dominance of a single clan, the Isaaq, unlike Somalia, which has to balance the competing interests and ambitions of four major clans and several smaller ones. This argument, however, understates the differences between the Isaaq’s sub-clans and sub-sub clans, ignores the internal violence that accompanied the birth process, which had to be resolved, and overlooks the tremendous hard work that has consistently gone into it to manage the outcomes peacefully and positively.
But peace, however successful, is just the start.
Today, Somaliland’s economy is growing, but straining. Over the past 20 years new businesses have sprung up, yet its infrastructure is poor. Some 70% of the population is under the age of 30. The formal youth unemployment rate is 75%. This situation has been worsened by the paucity of skills, as a result of which there is a contrasting dependency on foreign talent. Literacy is under 45% and just 20% for women.
The Somaliland government budget is just $200-million, three-quarters of which is spent on salaries and operational expenses. GDP is estimated at $646 per capita annually for four million people.
Outside of remittances, which provide 55% of the GDP of $2-billion, Somaliland depends on its sale of camels and goats, though this has suffered with a Saudi foot-and-mouth disease import ban except during the Haj, halving the annual exports to 1.2 million. This challenge has been worsened by the related pressure on grazing areas and the current drought, especially in the Haud, a broad strip of rich pastureland that straddles the Ethiopian-Somaliland border.
Progress has been complicated by the absence of international diplomatic recognition, adding a risk premium. No foreign government recognises Somaliland’s sovereignty, even though it fulfils all requirements for statehood, including the hosting of regular free and fair elections, the capacity to defend itself and the issuing of its own passports and currency.
Without international recognition, donor funding is just $150-million annually, most of which goes into roads and water infrastructure, and much of the rest into boosting agriculture. By comparison, war-torn Somalia receives more than $1-billion annually, in a perverse system which rewards chaos and penalises stability and democracy.
Ironically, precisely because of its failure, the Somali state headquartered in Mogadishu is little more than a Western-supported and African-military controlled client, leading Somaliland’s finance minister Saad Ali Shire to liken it to “parents throwing money at a problem child”.
In contrast with Somaliland’s self-reliance, without foreign cash and African Union troops Somalia’s internationally recognised government in Mogadishu would either retreat into exile or simply collapse. In Somalia, peace is a multibillion-dollar industry.
Save the involvement of Dubai Ports World in a $450-million development of the Berbera facility on the Gulf of Aden, foreign investors are few and far between. Although potential investors visit frequently, they are nearly always deterred by a simple challenge: Transferring money to and from Somaliland.
Another consequence of not being an internationally recognised state is that the Central Bank of Somaliland has so far been unable to register a SWIFT code, which would enable direct and secure international funds transfers. Finance sector experts reckon the premium of non-recognition to be “between 7%-8%” on the cost of money.
Within the country, however, transactions are virtually cashless and mobile banks such as Dahabshiil, the largest money transfer agency in Africa and the biggest bank in Somaliland, operate unhindered. The Somaliland shilling floats within a stable band, and inflation is single-digit.
“Somaliland has achieved as much as it has,” says Obasanjo “because it has depended on itself.” But now, for its economy to prosper it needs to resolve its international status.
Yet the most difficult peace negotiations lie ahead.
Recognition of Somaliland is unlikely to come from Africa, given that there is no single African country that does not have the seeds of separatism within it, and they would be fearful that support for Somaliland would imply support for secessionists within their own territories. Instead, African governments have told Somaliland that the most straightforward route to recognition, or at least resolution of its international status, lies through negotiations with Mogadishu.
But the Somali government is unwilling to allow Somaliland to secede, preferring the fiction of historical unity to the contemporary reality of separation. Yet Hargeisa knows that any attempt at reconciliation, at a Somaliland-Somali federation, would necessitate relying on a dysfunctional state in Mogadishu to deliver development and governance, a tall and probably quite foolish order. Somaliland would need some cast-iron guarantees.
To be worth the investment of time and resources, such negotiations should not presuppose the outcome of unity, but should have that option on the table along with independence and perhaps an additional third way such as a loose confederation or even a commonwealth of Somali-speaking nations. They would have to be facilitated by the African Union, not an external power bent on a certain option, as the unity-favouring Turks and Qataris have endeavoured.
There is a lot at stake for the international community. Somaliland’s security situation is stable because it is well-governed. It will not necessarily remain this way forever, not least since the Ethiopian government has become distracted from foreign policy concerns given the scale of its own internal difficulties.
The negotiations would have to include an “ante-nuptial contract” this time around, ensuring the divorce conditions are agreed beforehand. And they would require the donors pressurising both parties to the negotiating table, not playing silly buggers behind the scenes in picking winners and outcomes beforehand.
To be successful, negotiations over Somaliland’s future status, and thus the next stage of its recovery story, will require the sort of diplomacy and patience they were famous for in their internal peace process during the early 1990s.
Dr Mills and Van der Merwe are with the Brenthurst Foundation and have been in Hargeisa
Ka fikir mustaqbalka Ubadkeena Siyaasiga Somaliland now Dantada gaarka ah ka horeysii Danta guud ee ubadka mustaqbalkooda ha kaga ciyaarin ee
ee noqo mid magac iyo waxqabad ka taga.
Waa madaxdii berito balse waxay u baahan yihiin in jadka loo sii xaadho xisbiyada siyaasada Somaliland waxaa la gudboon iney danta Qaranka meel uga soo wada jeestaan oo aaney noqon kuwo lagu khasaaro,saddexda xisbi ee kala ah Wadani ,Kulmiye iyo UCID waa iney noqdaan kuwo ka mideysan wadaniyada,dal jaceylka iyo horumarinta dhalinyarada waayeelka iyo dhaqaalaha dalka waana iney khilaafaadka dhexdooda ah ku dhameeyaan isku tanaasul iyo wada hadal dhexdooda ah. Xisbi siyaasadeed waa la sameystaa Balse Qaran sida loo helaa ma aha wax sahal ah.
For the U.S., defeating the Iranian military wouldn’t be the end of the war. By George Friedman – May 22, 2019
There has recently been a lot of talk about a war between the United States and Iran. In my view, it’s unlikely because the risks are too high for both countries. Iran can’t take the chance that its military would be destroyed, and the U.S. can’t accept the costs a real victory would entail. Since Korea, the United States has performed poorly in war, with the exception of Desert Storm, when the destruction of Iraqi forces allowed U.S. entry into Kuwait and no Kuwaiti resistance to American occupation emerged. But in Vietnam, Afghanistan and Iraq, the United States faced the problem of what I would call occupation warfare, a type of combat that carries a substantial price even after the initial war has been won.
The Three Phases of War
Military theorist Carl von Clausewitz posited that there were three phases of war, each requiring different capabilities of warfare. The first phase is breaking the enemy’s military force, what we typically think of as military combat. The second is occupying the country, which involves the physical occupation of the defeated country and the establishment of the instruments of governance, production and consumption. The third is breaking the enemy’s ability to resist, which involves not only breaking its morale but also destroying any desire of the population to fight back against the occupiers.
The second phase is necessary because defeating an enemy military without occupying the country opens the door to the establishment of a new military force in the defeated country and a return to the strategic threat that sparked the war in the first place. After World War II, for example, the Allies had to occupy Germany and Japan or risk leaving in place the ability to resume the fighting and the political forces that posed the threat to begin with. In the final peace negotiations, therefore, the Americans insisted on occupation despite Japan’s resistance to it.
But the third phase of war didn’t emerge in either Japan or Germany for two reasons. First, and most important, the Allies had attacked not only the military but also the civilian population. Modern war involves hitting industrial targets, and factories are surrounded by people. Attacking the enemy’s industrial base means attacking its population, which dissolves any will to resist in the first place. The population, therefore, didn’t resist and the third phase never developed.
Second, even had there been a will to resist, the occupiers tried to rapidly identify weapons caches and destroy them. Leftover weapons could have been used to reignite the fighting, but eventually, new supplies would have to be obtained. Some might be stolen from the occupation force, but, with some exceptions, creating a force to resist the occupation requires an outside power willing to deliver materiel and a base from which to distribute it.
In Iraq, the United States defeated the Iraqi army within weeks and was able to quickly occupy the country. But the Iraqi army’s weapons had been cached in a number of places, and many Iraqi troops took weapons home. The United States had destroyed the Iraqi army and occupied the country but then faced the emergence of a force that had both the will and weapons to resist, obtained from both within and without the country. The United States failed at that third phase of war.
The Urge to Resist
In occupation warfare, the occupied have no hope of defeating or inflicting significant damage on the occupying military. But they can use their advantages to undermine the occupiers’ will to resist. The resisting force has several advantages, chief among them moral superiority. It is their country that’s being occupied, and the urge to resist is easy to generate. In addition, they have superior intelligence to the occupier and, therefore, a deeper sense of what’s happening. If the terrain permits, they can use it to cloak themselves. In urban environments, the city can make them invisible. Rooting the resistance out of a city is difficult and requires gathering intelligence from the civilian population, but their willingness to help is limited by their sympathy for the resistance, hatred of the occupier and fear of retribution. When the occupier carries out operations in populated areas, civilians are inevitably killed or wounded, increasing the population’s hostility and decreasing the opportunity for cooperation.
This is why occupation warfare is so difficult. It requires the occupier to craft a strategy appropriate for the occupied country, one based on knowledge of the country that the occupying force doesn’t have. The occupier, therefore, can’t obliterate the resisting force, but the resisting force can strike as and where it chooses, depending on its capability.
This means that the occupied win so long as they are not defeated, and the occupiers lose so long as the resistance continues. The resistance will try to create an unending war not because it expects to win but because it wants to break the will of its enemy to remain in the country. War must have a purpose and an end. The purpose for the resistance is clear. But over time, even the relatively low casualties being inflicted on the occupiers compel them to reconsider the political value of continuing to wage war. Clausewitz pointed out that war is the continuation of politics by other means, and that is nowhere truer than in occupation warfare. For years, the war can drag on with the assumption that withdrawal would undermine international credibility and that the occupier cannot allow itself to be defeated in this way. But in due course, the price of withdrawal becomes lower than the cost of maintaining the presence.
Occupation warfare, against a motivated and supplied resistance, is the most difficult type of warfare. It breaks an occupier not by main force but by steadily draining its resources. Some might say that the resistance cannot withstand overwhelming and brutal force. That may be true in some instances, but consider the German attempt to suppress Soviet partisan fighters and communists under Tito. The Germans had occupied the territory but couldn’t defeat the resistance despite extraordinary brutality. The partisans had the Pripet Marshes to hide in. Tito’s force had mountains. Both had a degree of outside supply. And both were highly motivated by the fact that surrender meant death. The very brutality of the occupier put steel into the resistance.
The Seduction of Victory
The United States can certainly destroy the Iranian military. It can also likely occupy Iran, but it would then be forced into occupation warfare. The Iranians would lose control of their country for an extended period of time. The costs would be too high for each side. The U.S. could of course bomb Iran, but only one country has ever capitulated after facing airstrikes alone: Yugoslavia in the Kosovo War. And even in this case, the capitulation had more to do with foreign diplomacy than the pain of war. Air power can cause tremendous damage but likely won’t force a country to back down. The end of war requires a political shift in an enemy, and air power usually can’t impose such a shift.
The United States has had experience with occupation warfare in Afghanistan and, in some sense, in Vietnam. In each case, the ability of the enemy to impose extended occupation warfare on the United States compelled the U.S., in the long run, to accept an outcome that was previously unthinkable. In Iraq, the German and Japanese examples from World War II led to the assumption that the final phase would not involve resistance. But those examples, it turns out, didn’t apply to the Iraq War.
There will be mutual threats and possibly even airstrikes and counterstrikes. But the destruction of the Iranian military would lead to occupation and necessitate breaking the will to resist. The dangers of occupation warfare are well known, but the calm after the destruction of the enemy’s military is the most dangerous point in war. It seduces the victorious government into imagining that this time will be different. It rarely is.
Source: GPF GEOPOLITICAL FUTURES
Murti Somaliyeed baa waxay tidhaahdaa doqon loo sheegi maayo fariidna waa og yahay taas waxaa ka dhigan 18 May qof waxgarad ahi waa garanayaa doqona yeelkii oo waa kii nacasku yidhi maxaa la iga soo heley beriba waan lumiye.
Faa’iidada reer Somaliland ka heleen 18 May lama soo koobi karo balse waxaa ka mida:
- Waxaa is cafiyey beelihii Somaliland ee uu kala qaybiyey keli taliyihii Maxamed Siyaad
- Waxaa dib ula soo noqdeen dadka reer Somaliland xoriyadii ay hadyada ugu geeyeen walaalahood somalidii konfureed
- Waxaa ay 18 May dhashay dimoqraadiyada Somaliland ka jirta ee lagu majeerto
- Waxaa ka dhashay 3 saddexda xisbi ee qaran
- Waxaa ka dhashay horumarka balaadhan ee nabadgelyadu kow ka tahay.
- Waxaa ka dhashay ciidamada qaranka ee kala duwan,golayaasha wakiilada ee labada aqal golayaasha deegaanada ee doorashada ku yimi
- Jaamicadaha,dugsiyada kala duwan
- Ganacsiga xorta ah
- Xoriyada qowlka,garsoorka iyo guud ahaan dawladnimada
- Waxaa ka dhashey wadajirka bulshada Somaliland iyo isjecelka dhexdooda ah.
Dadka maanta oo 28 guuradii 18 May loo dabaal degayo ka soo horjeedaa waa dad dan gaara leh,waa dad ka xun horumarka dadka Somaliland,waa dad leh maxaa laysku saamaxay, oo dad leh miyaa laka aar goosto oo raba in dhiig soceeyo,nacayb, iyo burbur la raba dadka Somaliland ee walaalaha ah.
Dad aragtidii Siyaad bare ku hubeysan oo ay la tahay in ay kala qaybin karaan dadka reer Somaliland oo ay midba dheg wax ugu sheegaan taas waxaa markhaati u ah aragtida odhaneysa 18 May beel gaara baa leh,balse waxaa aan ogahay in aaney dadka reer Somaliland ahayn kuwii hore loo hodey ee layskaga horkeenay waa kuwo ka gudbay khiyaamooyinka salka ku haya reer reer nimada iyo reer baa reer xukuma waa kuwo og in ay Somaliland mid tahay oo ay 26 June 1960 Gumeysigii boqoryada Engiriiska ka qaadatey xoriyadeedii 1 July 1960 na la midowdey Somalidii konfureed, 18 May 1991 dib ula soo noqotey xoriyadii ay lumiyeen 1 July 1960 markii ay la midoobeen Konfurta Somaliya.
Hadal iyo dhamaan 18 May 1991 iyo 26 June 1960 waa laba jaranjaro oo taariikhi ah waana mataano wakhti madobi u dhaxeeyey kaas oo ah 1 July 1960 oo ay la midowdey konfurta ilaa Jan 27, 1991 oo ahayd markii uu muqdisho ka cararey Siyaad Bare.
Hambayo 18 May maalin taariikhda Somaliland qaali ku ah waa maalin ay murugoodaan xaasadka Somaliland waana Maalin ay Farxaan dadka wanaaga Somaliland Jecel.
Shiine Culey intaa uu gartey ayaa dad badan oo reer Somaliland garan layihiin………
© PA ‘Law enforcement needs new investment to help combat organised crime,’ says Lynne Owens, director general of the National Crime Agency.
Britain risks losing the fight against organised crime unless police receive significant new resources to tackle the “chronic and corrosive” threat from such groups, the head of the National Crime Agency has warned.
In a chilling assessment, the NCA’s director general, Lynne Owens, said the threat from organised crime groups was at unprecedented levels. “It is chronic and corrosive. The message needs to be heard by everyone.”
She added: “People should understand that serious and organised crime kills more of our citizens every year than terrorism, war and natural disasters combined.”
In a rare political intervention, the head of an agency often described as Britain’s equivalent to the FBI reopened the debate on police funding, arguing that without significant investment the UK’s forces would fall further behind the criminals exploiting encrypted communications technology and dark web anonymity.
“Against a backdrop of globalisation, extremism and technological advances, serious and organised crime is changing fast, and law enforcement needs significant new investment to help combat it,” said Owens, ahead of this week’s launch of the NCA’s annual strategic assessment into the impact of organised crime.
Last year Whitehall’s spending watchdog revealed the jobs of 44,000 police officers and staff had been lost since 2010, when the coalition government came to power, and that the Home Office had failed to even forecast the possible impact.
The writer Misha Glenny, who will chair a panel of senior officers at the NCA’s report launch in London on Tuesday, said the austerity drive had allowed powerful crime syndicates to flourish in the UK.
Glenny, whose book McMafia documented the globalisation of crime after the break-up of the Soviet bloc, said that when it was published in 2008 organised crime was viewed as a global concern and its impact on most British citizens was minimal.
“In the past 10 years what is really striking is how this industry has grown inside the UK. Austerity has been absolutely critical in this, partly because of the reduction in police capacity but also because of the continuing increase in inequality. A lot of victims of organised crime tend to be people on the margins who don’t have a voice. When you get an impoverishment of the population, which is what we have had over the last 10 years, you get an increase in desperation, and that opens up opportunities,” added Glenny.
Transnational criminal networks, the exploitation of technological improvements and “old-style violence” is allowing serious crime gangs to “dominate communities”, the NCA assessment will say this week.
“It will reveal the changing nature of organised crime and its wholesale undermining of the UK’s economy, integrity, infrastructure and institutions,” said the NCA in a statement.
The assessment, described as the most comprehensive yet by the NCA, will also chart the rise of poly-criminality where organised groups operate in several illegal trades such as drugs, firearms and human trafficking.
Last year the agency mapped 4,629 OCGs (organised crime groups) inside the UK with tens of thousands of members and says the threat has since continued to grow. One area of enduring concern remains the use of encrypted and anonymisation technology, the latter primarily on the dark web, that have eroded the ability of investigators to detect offenders.
One area of enduring concern remains the use of encrypted and anonymisation technology, the latter primarily on the dark web
On Saturday, the NCA celebrated the conclusion of an eight-year investigation by seizing £6m worth of assets, including an award-winning luxury hotel and a £100,000 Bentley, from alleged members of an international money-laundering group.
The assessment is also expected to warn that advances in technologies, such as artificial intelligence and the introduction of 5G, will present further potential opportunities for criminals.
Uncertainty surrounding Brexit will also be identified by the agency as an area for criminal exploitation. Last year the NCA raised concerns that crime groups would exploit “the design and implementation of a new UK customs system, or increased challenges for EU and UK law enforcement in locating and extraditing international fugitives, if the UK were to lose enforcement or intelligence-sharing tools”.
The report will also document the latest developments on modern slavery and human trafficking, organised immigration crime, cyber-crime, money-laundering, drugs and guns. So-called “county lines” drug supply networks are still expected to affect all 43 police forces in England and Wales.
Source: The Gaudian
Ururka UMAD oo ka mida ururada isku xilqaamey iney qayb ka qaataan horumarinta bulshadooda, ee dhinacyada waxbarashada, caafimaadka, iyo arimaha bulshada ayaa maal mahan ba hawl aad u balaadhan oo lagu afurinayo dad danyar ah ka wadey meelo ay ka mid tahay magaalada Hargeysa iyo agaarkeeda,Siday ila xog ogaal ahi uga warameyn hogaanka media group ayaa waxay ilahaasi sheegeen in ururkaasi si weyn uga qayb qaatey barnaamuj lagu afurinayo dadka ururkani sida rasmiga ugu shaqeeyo,ilaa hada waxaa si habsamiya u socda halaha lagu afurinayo dadkaasi,hadaba waxaa iska kaashadey bulshada qaybaheedada kala duwan ee UMAD organisation xubnihiisa iyo madaxdiisa daafaha caaalamka iyo taageerayaashooda. hogaanka media group wuxuu amaan u soo jeedinayaa dhamaanba qaybaha kala duwan ee hawlwadeenada UMAD ee daafaha caalamka sida ayuga qayb qaataan horumarinta dadkooda,iyaga oo si nafhuradnimo ah ugu adeega dadkooda oo had iyo jeerba caawiya kana qayb qaatada taageerada iyo taakuleynta dadkooda jilicsan. Guud ahaan waxaa aan u soo jeedinaynaa in gacan lagu siiyo oo tabarucaadka laga qayb qaato ururkana lagu taageero hawlahaasi balaadhan ee ay umadooda u hayaan.
Intii ka qayb qaadateyna Allah(swt) Misaanka Xasaanaadka ha ugu daro, Wadajirka iyo walaalnimadu waa astaanta horumarka bulshada.
Hogaanka Media Group Waxay Tacsi gaadhsiinayaan umada Somaliland Ehelkii Asxaabtii uu Ka Baxay Marxuum
Xaaji Cabdikariin Xuseen Yuusuf oo ku magac dheeraa “Cabdi–Waraabe” oo manta oo taariikhdu tahay 10/05/19 ku geeriyoodey magaalada hargeysa
Marxuunka waxaanu Allah(swt) uga baryanaa inuu naxariistiisa Jano siiyo Ehelkii Asxaabtii iyo Umada reer Somalilandna Samir iyo Iiman ka Siiyo halkii uu umada ugu jireyna Odey kale oo nabad iyo wanaag jira ah Alle ugu bedelo Aamin yaa Allah.
Xaaji Cabdikariim Wuxuu ahaa Tiirarka Nabada Somaliland iyo hormoodayaashii dejiyey Somalilandta Cusub. Waxaana lagu xasuusandoonaa kaalintiisii wadaniyadeed iyo odaynimo ee qaranka Somaliland Waxaa aan Soo jeedinaynaa in Guriga Golaha Guurtida Loogu magac daro Xaajiga oo ka mid ahaa aasaasayaashii Golahaasi.
HOGAANKA MEDIA GROUP
Professor Galeydh malaha waa aanu is dhegeysan qudbadishiisa is khilaafsan oo marna inoogu balweeyo sida jirjiroolaha shirkii Burco waan fadhiyey, kii Booramana waan fadhiyey, oo shirkii Burco ee Somaliland lagu dhisey qayb baan ka ahaa marna uu inoogu luqeeyo waar meel aan Somaliland dhismaheeda kaga qaygaley ma Jiro,oo Somaliland lama wada laha.Sidaa darteed Cali Khaliif Galeydh waa Xadhig lama Sitaan, Balse Professor Samater waa nin wax badan og kana run sheeg badan, Aqoontuna ka muuqato markaa in aynu wax hagaajinaa waa muhiim balse Somaliland lama wada laha waa Jawaab raqiisa oo aan waqici ahayn.
Professor Galeydh malaha waa aanu is dhegeysan qudbadishiisa is khilaafsan oo marna inoogu balweeyo sida jirjiroolaha shirkii Burco waan fadhiyey, kii Booramana waan fadhiyey, oo shirkii Burco ee Somaliland lagu dhisey qayb baan ka ahaa marna uu inoogu luqeeyo waar meel aan Somaliland dhismaheeda kaga qaygaley ma Jiro,oo Somaliland lama wada laha.Sidaa darteed Cali Khaliif Galeydh waa Xadhig lama Sitaan, Balse Professor Samater waa nin wax badan og kana run sheeg badan, Aqoontuna ka muuqato markaa in aynu wax hagaajinaa waa muhiim balse Somaliland lama wada laha waa Jawaab raqiisa oo aan waqici ahayn.
Subaxnimadii Maanta oo taariikhdu ahay 05/05/2019 Waxaa magalada Hargeysa ee Caasimada Jamhuuriyada Somaliland Ku geeriyoodey Allah Naxariistii Jano Ha siiyee Marxuun Jamac Adam( Dhamac) oo ka mid ahaa Odayaasha Somaliland. Sidaa darateed
Maamulka HOGAANKA MEDIA GROUP Waxay Tacsi tiiranyo leh Halkan uga Dirayaan, . Dhamaan Ilma Jamac Adam (Dhamac) Meel kasta oo ay Caalamka Ka Joogaanba geerida ku timi abahood Marxuum Jamac Adam (Dhamac) sidoo kale waxanu tacsi taas la imada u diraynaa ehelkii iyo Asxaabtii marxuunka ,waxa si gaara uga tacsidadeynaynaa:
1-Mudane Maxamuud Jamac, oo Ku magac dheer Baraar ,Marwadiisa iyo Caruurtooda
2-Cumar Jama Dhamac iyo Reerkiisa
3-Maxamed (Aboor) Jamac( Dhamac)
4- Adam Shabeel , Waxaanu Alle uga baryanaa Marxuunka inuu u naxariisto ehelkii iyo qaraabadii,asxaabtiisina Samir iyo Iimaan Ka siiyo AAmin Yaa Rabi
Hogaanka Media Grroup
A US official has warned that the UK and any other western countries that adopt Huawei technology for 5G mobile phone networks risk affecting intelligence cooperation with the United States
The escalation of the rhetoric comes days after a leak indicated the UK was prepared to give Huawei the go-ahead to supply “non-core” infrastructure – a security measure that the US said on Monday would not work in practice.
Robert Strayer, a deputy assistant secretary at the US Department of State, said on Monday that Huawei “was not a trusted vendor” and any use of its technology in 5G networks was a risk.
He said the US would “have to reassess our ability to be interconnected and share information” if Huawei was used by the UK or other European countries, implying intelligence sharing could be at risk.
Last week a tense UK national security council meeting narrowly approved in principle to Huawei being allowed to supply “non-core” 5G technology, despite objections from five of the cabinet ministers present and months of US lobbying.
The decision was leaked to the Daily Telegraph, prompting an inquiry in which ministers, advisers and officials are likely to be interviewed, and which will probably lead to calls for the leaker to be sacked, regardless of their seniority.
One of the ministers who objected, Jeremy Hunt, reiterated his concerns about Huawei overnight on an official visit to Africa.
The foreign secretary, widely considered a Conservative leadership candidate, said there should be “a degree of caution” about the role of large Chinese companies in the UK “because of the degree of control the Chinese state is able to exercise over them”.
Repeating rhetoric used by US intelligence agencies last week, Strayer said countries that adopted Huawei technology risked handing China “a loaded gun”, amid fears the technology could be used for mass surveillance.
He said such decisions were something that “western democracies who are concerned about human rights need to think carefully about”.
Although Strayer was simply restating the position of the Trump administration about Chinese telecoms equipment, the briefing was clearly a calculated intervention after the leak in the UK.
Gallery: The Trump administration is warning allies to stay away from a powerful Chinese company — but not everyone’s listening (Business Insider)
Faalo Kooban hadii aan ka dhiibto doodan waxaa aan filayaa in ay doodani tahay mid ka mida doodaha arintan lagaga hadlo.
Waxaa ka qaybgaley dad ku kala duwan fikirka guud ee qadiyada wada hadala Somaliland iyo Somaliya, aqoonta,waayo aragnimada iwm.
Professor Samater, waa aqoon yahan sare oo Somalilander ah dhaliisha kowaad ee wax uu hor dhigo
Kofi Atta Annan cida dayacdey isaga ayaa kow ka ah.Markaa hada waxaa la gudboon in kow ka noqdo cida boodhka ka jafeysa ee taariikhda Somaliland ee wakhtigii hore,wakhtigii gumeysiga,wakhtigii xoriyada midowgii labada gobol,xiligii Siyaad Bare, ilaa Maanta.
Waxaa aynu ognahay in uu buugagtii uu qorey ay ka mid ahaa tariikhdii madaxweynihii ugu horeyey ee Somaliya Adam Cade.
Arintaasi waxay markhaati u tahay in siyaasiinta,aqoon yahanada iyo waxgaradka Somalilanderka ahi iney yihiin kuwa dayaca ugu weyn ee qadiyada Somaliland in ay ka muuqato caalanka in ay yihiin iyaga.
Allah(S.W.T.) said in a Hadith Qudsi : “O son of Adam! if you observe contentment, you will need nobody. If you abandon jealousy, you will find comfort. If you refrain from the Haram (Unlawful), you will attain Ikhlas (sincerity). If you abandon backbiting, you will attain my love. Those who detach themselves from people will be safe from their harms. Those who speak little will attain perfection in thinking. Those who are content with little will have put their trust in Allah(S.W.T.).
O Son of Adam ! While you are not acting upon what you know, why are you still acquiring knowledge? O son of Adam you are working for this world as if you would never die and accumulating wealth as if you would live forever in this world!
O dunya! Deprive he who is attached to you and turn to the who turns away from you. And show yourself sweet to those who gaze at you!”
(Al-Mawaiz Fil-Ahadith Al-Qudsiyyah, Imam Ghazzali)
Waxaa aan maqaal ku soo baxay hogaanka.org 20/04/19 ee ciwaabkiisu ahaa MAXAA U SABABA IN DHULKA MAGAALOOYINKA WAAWEYN EE SOMALILAND LAYSKU QABSADO?
Sidaa darteed imika taariikhdaa dib ugu noqonmaayo oo waxaad kaga bogan kartaa website ka hogaanka.org aragtideyda ku saabsan dhibaatooyinka arimaha dhulka ee magaalooyinka waaweyn ee Somaliland oo magalada hargeysa ugu horeyso.
Dadka aragtiyaha kala duwan ka bixiyey sida ay u arkaan madaxtooyada cusub ee Somaliland iyo meesha loo asteyeyba inta badan waxay ku doodaan in Somaliland madaxtooyo cusub u baahneyn,wakhtigana ay dalka ka taagan yihiin biyo la’aan iyo abaaro,kuwo kalana waxay u eekeysiiyaan in madaxweyne muuse biixi madaxtooyada dhisanayo.
Aniguse waxaa aan qabaa aragti taa ka duwan oo salka ku haysa saddex dhinaca:
1- Somalilalnd iney hesho madaxtooyo casri ah oo ku qalabeysan dhamaan agabka looga baahan yahay madaxtooyo casri ah waa muhiim sababahan awgeed,
– Jiritaan La’aanta xarun Madaxtooyo oo taariikh ahaan iyo shaqo ahaanba loogu talo galey Madaxtooyo soomaaliland leedahay. Waayo?Madaxtooyada hada ee Somaliland waa hoygii Taliyahii qaybta 26 ee xoogii dalka Somaliya waana hoy loogu talo galey taliye qaybeed oo ciidan sida aad filayo waxaa hindisey in dib u habeyn lagu sameeyo Gen.Gaani waxaana Dhameystirey Gen.Morgan oo isaga bedelay,balse waxa uu dhismuhu ahaa dhisme ka hadhey gumeystihii engriiska ee Somaliland xornimadeeda ka qaadatey 26 June 1960 waxay hoy u ahay talihii ciidamada Engriiska ee wakhtigaa sida aan taariikhda ku hayo.
2- Xulashada meesha ku haboon in ay noqoto xarunta looga taliyo dalka
Waxaa aan qabaa in ay ahayd in inta aan madaxtooyada meesha laga dhisayo inta la shaacin in daraasad lagu sameeyo meesha ku haboon ee madaxtooyada laga dhiso,taas oo dadkana rayi ururin lagu sameeyo meesha ay u maleenayaan in madaxtooyo laga dhiso eek u haboon.
In la darso baahiyaha ay meesha madaxtooyada laga dhisayaa ay dabooleyso,sida quruxda dabeeciga ah ee goobta,adeegyada sida,isgaadhsiinta,biyaha iyo nalka,caafimaadka, hayadhaha kale ee dawlada sida wasaaradaha waaweyn ee arimaha,gudaha,dibeda,difaaca,ciidamada boliska iwm.
Sidoo kale in aaney ka fogaan qaybaha kale ee dawlada sida haydaha sharci dejinta, iyo garsoorka.
Sahankaasi markuu dhaco waxaa aan anigu aragti ahaan doorashada kowaad ka dhigi lahaa xarumahan dawlada ee hore u jirey in mudnaanta la siiyo kuwaas oo kala ah:
- Guri Badhasaabkii Engriiska ee British Somaliland hoy u ahay,Markii uu Dalku xoroobeyna hoy u ahayd Gudooyiyaashii iskaga kala dambeyey Gobolkii Waqooyi Galbeed ee Hargeysa Magaalo madaxda u ahayd,hada se war uma hayo cida ku jirta iyo qaabka dhismahaasi yahay midna.
- Guriga Xisbiga oo ku qabyoobey dhismo ahaan kaas oo uu hindisay dhismihiisa mid ka mida Gudoomiyayaashii soo marey Gobolkii waqooyi Galbeed waxaana uu ahaa Gen.Bile Rofle oo mashaariicda ugu badan ka hirgeliyey inta la og yahay xumaadii Siyaad Bare intii ay maamuleysey Magaalada Hargeysa.
Hadaba malaheyga malaha meelaasi Ayaan u samamin lahaa in laga dhiso madaxtooyada,balse meel kasta oo loo sahamiyaba waxaa haboon iney noqoto meel leh adeegyada looga bahan yahay in ay lahaato madaxtooyo wadan.
3) Madaxtooyada hada meesha loo qorsheeyey wax macluumada kama hayo sababta loo door biday iney halkaa noqoto,tankale ma cadeyn karo in ay qorshexukumadihii ka horeyey madaxweyne muuse biixi xorsheeyeen iyo in ay ka dhalatey fikir cusub oo dawladan muuse biixi la timi,si kastaba ha ahaatee waan soo dhaweenayaa in Somaliland yeelato madaxtooyo cusub oo casri ah. Arinta aan halkan ka xusayaa waxay tahay :-
Waxaa jira nin oday ah oo meesha loo qorsheeyey madaxtooyada mulkiyadeeda iska leh sida aan ka maqlay saxaafada oo uu cabasho iyo garnaqsi u mareyey dawlada iyo shacabkaba waxaa aan ku talin lahaa arimahan:
Mudane Maxamed Xasan Dalab waa Muwaadin Somalilander ah waana mid ka mida odayaasha reer hargeysa ama Somaliland sidaa darteed anigu uma arko in uu ka soo horjeedo wax lagu horumarinayo dalkiisa ama madaxtooyo cusub oo ay Somaliland yeelato,Balse waxaa muhiima in uu helo waxaa uu xaq u lee yahay ee ku saabsan goobtaas uu sheeganayo inuu lee yahay waa in dawladu dheysato,weliba si cadaalad ah oo sharciga dalka waafaqsan oo raali uu ka yahay loo mareeyaa xaalada ninkaas waayo mar walba waa in dawladu ilaalisaa cadaalada muwaadiyiinta,anigu ma qabo in madaxweyne muuse biixi ka qaadayo oo uu isagu shaqsi ahaan u dhisanayo balse waa in uu isagu u cadaalad falaa dawlada iyo muwaadinka markey isasa soo waajahan arintan oo kale,muwaadinkuna wuxuu xaq u lee yahay in uu dacwad ku soo oogo dawlada hadii ay ku xadgudubto xaquuqdiisa dhankastaba ah.Arintaana waa in dhaqso loo eegaa sida ay ila tahay.
Waa Su’aal u baahan in si weyn loo derso si jawaab saxa loogu helo weeyaan arinta ku saabsan dhulka oo dhibaato ka taagan tahay.
Taariikh ahaan Somaliland dhulka dhibaatadiisu waxay ka soo bilaaban tahay sanadadii 1979 kii dhamaadkiisii ilaa hadada aynu joogno, waxaana dhul murankiisu ka bilowdey magaalada Hargeysa oo ahayd wakhtigaa Caasimadii labaad ee Dalkii laysku odhan jirey Jamhuuriyada Dumuqraadiga Somaliya,oo wakhtigaa uu madaxweyne ka ahaa Kelidii taliyihii Maxamed Siyaad.
Waxaa Sabab u ahaa dhowr arimood in dhulka magaalada hargeysa uu noqdo mid laysku qabqabsado waxaana ka xusi karaa:
- Magaalada hargeysa oo si xawli ah u balaadhaneysey, oo dad badani ku soo guureyn,sida
- Qoxootiyo tiro badan oo kaga yimi dhinaca itoobiya kuwaas oo ay sababeyn dagaaladii 1977 Somaliya iyo Ethoipa dhexmarey
- Dad xoogsato ah oo u soo xoogsi tegey kuwaas oo kaga yimi goboladii kale ee Somaliya
- Shaqaale iyo Ciidamo tiro badan oo loo soo bedelay Goboladii waqooyi
- Dadkii reer guuraaga ahaa ee Magaalada u dhowaa oo u soo hayaamay Magaalada.
- Dad badan oo ka soo xoogsadey dalalka khaliijka oo u baahday guryo ay ka dhistaan magaalada hargeysa.
- Dawladii hoose iyo Golihii degaanka ee maamulayey oo aan qorshe iyo nidaam lagu maamulo Caasimada Labaad ee Dalka aan u dejin,iyaga oo aaney jirin daraasad iyo qiimeyn ay ku sameeyeen wax ka qabashada balaadhashada Magaalada.
- Iyada oo Dhulkii banaanaa loo qoirsheyey oo loo qaybiyey dad aan xaq u lahayn oo ka tirsanaa Saraakiishii saree e Ciidamada Qaybtii 26 aad iyo Shaqaalihii kale ee Konfurta laga soo bedelay,si loogu guneeyo oo ay dadka dib uga iibiyaan dhaqaalena ay ka helaan.
- Dadka Maamulaya dhulka oo aan Aqoon iyo Waayo aragnimo u lahaynd sida loo qorsheeyo magaalooyinka iyo iyaga oo bilaabay iney ka ganacsadaan dhulka.
Arimahaasi iyo kuwo kale oo jirey ayaa sababey in dhibaatada dhulku ay gaadho heer ay dadkii ku colobaan,oo dad badani madaxa isla galaan iskuna qabsadaan dhulkii banaanaa, waxaa magaalada hargeysa dawladii Siyaad Bare ka dhistey Gudi ka garnaqda dhulka laysku haysto ee degaanka ah gudigaas oo Loogu magacaabi jirey Gudiga Garsoorka Dhulka, arintaasi wax dawa ah ma keenin ee waxay sii xoojisey musuqii iyo laalushkii lagu kala qaadanayey arimaha dhulka.Sida ay arinta dhulku sidaa u ahayd ayaa waxaa yimi Bishii May ee 1988 in Dawladii Siyaad Bare iyo Dagaal yahanadii SNM dagaal faraha laga gubtey ku dhexmaray Goboladii Waqooyi halkaasna dadkii rayidka ahaa wixii ka badbaadey xasuuqii Siyaad bare ka qaxaan magooyinkii iyo tuulooyinkii waaweynaa.
Arintaa waalaga dheregsan yahay sidey u dhacdey waxaynay ahayd arin taariikheed oo in Dadka reer Hargeysa ee dhulka isku haystey ku cimro qaataan ay mudney markii laga qaxay jagooyinkii laysku haystey iyo xitaa guryihii dhisnaa ee wax waliba hoos yaaleen.
Hadaba 1991 bilowgiisii bishii January markii magaalada Muqdisho laga xoreyey keligii taliyihii Maxamed Siyaad iyo Dawladiisii waxaa dib loogu soo noqday magalooyinkii Waaweynaa ee Somaliland, Hada waxaa aad moodaa in hadana dhulka oo laysku haystaa ay noqotey dhaqan ka mida dhaqanada xun xun ee bulshadeenu caadeysatey arintaana waxaa u sabab ah:
- Dhulkii oo ganacsi galey oo ka mid noqdey waxyaabaha sida fudud lacagta looga sameeyo
- Dawladii hoose iyo golihii deegaanka oo aan wax qorshe ah u sameynin dadka doonaya in ay magaalooyinka guryo ka dhistaan,sida magaalooyinka waaweyn ee hargeysi ka mid tahay
- Maamulka iyo shaqaalaha dawladaha hoose gaar ahaan kuwo caasimada oo aan aqoon iyo waayo aragnimo midna u lahayn qaabka loo qorsheeyo caasimadaha koraya
- Sharciyada dhulka oo aan ahayn mid dhameys tiran iyada oo nashaqadaha iyo farasamada ay isticmaalaan dawlada hoose ee hargeysi ay tahay farsamadii hore ay ka dhexleyn dawladihii hore ee somaliya iyada oo hada aqoonta carsiga ahi fududeysey sida loo qorsheeyo dhulka ayaa habkii gaboobey weli lagu hagaa dawlaha hoose ee Somaliland.
- Garsoorka dhulka oo aan kala saarin dadka iskula yimaada.
Arimahaasi waa kuwo keenay in maanta xitaa laysku haysto dhulka la lee yahay waxaa laga dhisayaa Madaxtooyada Somaliland.
Marka aad aragto dhibaatooyinka noocaas ah ayaad isweydiinaysaa su’aalo badan oo u baahan in laga jawaabo, dhibaatada dhulka laysku haysto ee ay ka mid tahay meesha madaxtooyada laga dhisayo. bale waxaa loo baahan yahay in dhinacyada isku haya ee dawladu ka mid tahay in ay dadka u cadeeyaan sababta dhulkaas oo muran ka taagnaa mudo dheer loogu qorsheyey in madaxtooyada qaranka laga dhiso. Anigu waxaa aan qabaa in xal horta laga gaadho oo si fiican loo xalilo,waala og yahay sharciyan dhulka dalka oo dhan in ay dawladu masuul ka tahay, balse waxaa khalad ah in aad dadka dhulkaa degenaa aan lagala tashan sida muuqata,dawladana waxaa la gudboon in ay jawaab ka bixiso oo ay cadeyso sifaha dhulkaasi ninka odeyga ah ee reerkiisu degen yihiin looga qaadey,madaama uu sheegay in dhulkaasi dad kale isku haysteen wakhtiyo badana loo xukumey oo uu hawlo badan iyo wakhti lacag iwm ka galeen intaas oo dacwadood ee heer walba leh. Anagu ma ogin waxaa uu sheeganayaa iney run tahay iyo in kale dawladii ka hadlilahayna way ka aamustey markaa maxaa qaldan.
1- The clothes worn in salaah must be taahir (cleen).
2- The body of the musallee must be taahir.
3- The place of prayer must be taahir.
4- It should be the correct time for salaah.
5- The musallee must be face towards Qiblah.
6- Niyyah for salaah should be made.
7- The awrah must be properly covered.
source : Fiqhul Islam,Deeniyaat Book 3
Ivanka Trump ayaa xaqiijisay in ay diiday qabashada xilka madaxa bangiga aduunka ka dib markii uu aabaheed u soo bandhigay .
Toddobaadkii aanu soo dhaafnay ayay ahayd markii Donald Trump uu u sheegay wargayska The Atlantic in uu gabadhiisa waydiiyay in ay doonayso xilka ugu sareeya ee Bangiga aduunka “sababtoo ah waxa ay ku wanaagsan tahay xisaabta “.ayuu yiri.
Markii la waydiiyay ayaa waxa uu sheegay madaxwayne Trump in ay u sheegtay”in ay ku faraxsan tahay shaqada ay imika hayso ee la taliyaha aqalka cad.
Ivanka Trump ayaa ku lug lahayd soo xulista madaxa bangiga aduunka oo loo soo xulay dhaqaalayahanka u dhashay Mareykanka David Malpass.
Mrs Ivanka oo la hadashay wakaalada wararka ee AP xilli ay safar ku joogtay Ivory Coast, ayaa waxay sheegtay in aabaheed uu u soo bandhigay shaqadaasi “uuna su’aal ahaan u waydiiyay “, balse ay diiday codsigaasi.
Waxa ay intaa ku dartay in Mr Malpass uu qaban karo “shaqo wanaagsan”.
Mar wax laga waydiiyay in madaxwaynaha uu u soo bandhigay shaqooyiin kale oo muhim ah waxa ay ku jawaabtay “taasi waa mid sir ah oo inaga dhaxeysa aniga iyo isaga.
Wareysigii ugu dambeeyay ee uu bixiyay Mr Trump ayuu ku sheegay in dhowr xil oo muhim ah oo uu ka mid yahay xilka danjiraha Mareykanka ee Qaramada Midoobay uu la damcay gabadhiisa sababtoo ah buu yiri “waxaan rumaysanahay in ay leedahay dublamaasiyad dabiici ah”.
Ivanka Trump ayaa imika booqasho ku maraysa qaar ka mid ah dalalka qaarada Afrika halkaasi oo ay u ololeynayso hormarinta dumarka.
Waxaa aan ula jeedaa in aan ku iftiimiyo maqalkeygan kooban xigashada warkaa aniga oo is weydiinaya Hadii Madaxweyne Muuse Bixi uu inan ama Inanka mida Caruurtiisa u magacaabo xil sare sidii loo arki lahaa buuq ma ka dhalan lahaa ma cadaalad daraa? Mareykanka oo dalal Caalamka ee Dimuqraadiyayada hogaamiya ka mid ah ayaa madaxweynahoodu inantiisa xilal u soo jeedeyey waaweyn oo qarankaasi ah imikana haysa, inaguna muwaadin xaq u leh in xil loo magacaabo ayaanu reernimo iyo eexbaa loogu dhiibey ka dhamaan la nahay,oo waxaa aynu u xusul duubaynaa in siyaasada iyo qaybyaalada la isku milo, muwaadiniinta xaqooda lagu duudsiyo madaxweynaha ayaa dhaley ama adeer u ah iwm sidaa darted xil uma wakiilan karo,ogow muwadin kasta dalkiisa xaq buu u lee yahay madaxweynuhu xil u magacaabo dastuurka iyo sharciga dalka ayaana dhigaya waana xaq dastuuriya.
Waad Mahadsantihiin Dhamaan
Somalilanderku laba mid uun baa la gudboon balse mid sadexaad cidna laga yeeli mayo.
Oo maxay kala yihiin labada arimood?
- Dal madax banaan oo dawlad leh
- Dal dawlad aaney ka jirin oo ay maamulaan reero (Madax dhaqameedyo)
Hadii aan arinta mahsan ka hadlo waxay u baahneysaa in sharaxaad ka bixino farqiga u dhaxeeya labdan arimood iyo waxay wadaagan ugu horeyntii waxaa si fiican u baahan in ay nu u fahano dawlad iyo madax dhaqameed maxay yihiin?
- Dawlad(government) waa nidaamka ama habka koox dad ahi u hagto(hogaamiso) bulshada(community) taas oo inta badan loo yaqano state, golaha ay lee yihiin ee maamulana dawlada waxay sida caadiga ka kooban yihiin haydada sharci dejinta ( legislature), Fulinta (executive iyo Garsoorka ( and judiciary).
- Madax dhaqameed (Traditional leaders), waa hogaamiyaal bulsho qaybeedyo oo dhinaca dhaqanka iyo caadooyinka bulshooyinkasi ay hogaaminayaan door ku leh inta badan malaha haydo kala duwan xeer qoran xafiisyo badan oo lagu fuliyo shaqada meelo lagu keydiyo xogta reerka iwm.
Hadaba hadii aynu u soo noqono Somaliland iyo labadan qaybood ee ka jira waxaa loo baahan yahay in la kala garto doorkooda, iyo shaqooyinka ay kala lee yihiin hadii si fiican loo kala fahmi waayo waxaa jahawareer ku dhacayaa maamulka iyo nidaamka dalka,taasina waxay horseedi doontaa mashaqo aan laga soo waaqsan Karin oo ku timaata dawladnimada iyo qaranimada Somaliland.
waxay jira xeer cilmiga fisigiska ah oo qaba in laba shey aaney hal mar meel isku mida wada gelikarin( two matters can’t occupy the same space).
Taas waxaa aan ula jeedaa in aaney suurto gal ahayn in Dawlada iyo Madaxdhaqameelku wada buuxiyaan shaqada laga rabo dawlada oo balaadhan hayado kala duwana leh,sideedaba laba dawladood hal dal ma wada maamulaan waxaa taas ula jeedaa waxaad runtii aad moodaa Somaliland iney ka jiraan awood maroori aan sharci ahayn oo aad moodo in ay sii daciifeyso maamul wanaagii iyo shaqadii la kala lahaa ee loo xilsaarnaa waxaad moodaa in aqoonta iyo karida shaqaalaha dawladu aaney kobcin ilaa intii ay Somaliland jirtey.
Madax dhaqameed ku waxay hayadaha dawlada ku haystaan shaqadoodii, hayadaha dawloduna waxaaney garaneynin doorkoodii shaqo iyo waxay u xilsaaran yihiin.
Dawlada waxaa la gudboon in ay xakameyso sharcina laga soo saaro warsaxaafadeedyada aflagaada,iyo anshax xumida leh ee aan waafaqsaneyn nidaamka iyo shuruucda dalka nabadana qaribaya.Waa in shaqaalaha dawlada kor loo qaadaa aqoontooda sidoo kale madax dhaqameedada waa in shuruuc lagu maamulo loo sameeyaa oo qeexaya kaalintooda,waxay u xilsaaran yihiin waana loo qabtaa aqoon isweydaasi iyo waxbarasho koobkooban oo la xidhiidha dhaqanka wanaagsan iyo doorkooda bulsho, ma dhaqameedyadu intooda badan ma laha xafiisyo meel ay xitaa ku keydiyaan xogta,tirada beesha,go’aanada iyo heshiisyada ay galaan,iwm waa in la habeeyaa sharciyada wax laga baraa noqdaan dad aqoon u leh cilmiga bulshada diinta iwm.Madaxweynaha waa in lagula xisaabtamaa shaqadiisa oo keliya balse madaxweynuhu ma aha mid shaqo kasta u xilsaaran tusaale ma aha Caaqil reer,Ma aha Garsoore maxkamadeed,ma aha police officer,ma aha Duqa magaalo,ma aha gudoomiyaha shaqo bixinta,ma aha wasiirka arimaha gudaha iwm laakiin shaqadiisa uu qaranka u hayo ayuu fulinayaa.Sidaa darteed hadii ninkii ganacsigiisa arimaho la xidhiidha dad isku qabtaan waxay u taalaa haydaha shaqada ku leh waana gardaro in meel kale loola kaco. Waxaad arkeysaa haweenay meel ay ka shaqeyn jirtey oo xafiisyo ay xaaqi jirtey shaqadii laga ereyey oo saxaafada soo fadhisaneysa oo madaxweynaha kala hadleysaa arintaasi shaqadiisa ma aha hayado u xilsaaran baa jira oo miisaneyd lagu siiyo shaqadaasi kuwaasi markey waxba qaban waayaan qofku meel kale ha u cawdo,balse in arimo aan mudneyn wakhtiga shaqada mudan lagu hakiyo ma aha waxaynu u baahan nahay in aynu laba mid uun noqono,Dawlad nidaamka dalka looga dambeeyo oo lagula xisaabtamo iyo dad aan dawladnimo rabin oo madax dhaqameedku u taliyaan gartana sidii ay ahaan jirtey geedka hoostiisa lagu qaado oo beeluhu wada xaalan labaadsi wixii ka dhexeeyaa idinka ayaa sheegin!
CAIRO, Egypt, April 10, 2019/APO Group
“It’s a great honor to be with President El-Sisi, a friend—a great friend—of Egypt. And we have very special things happening. Our relationship has never been stronger. And we’re working with Egypt on many different fronts, including military and trade.” – President Donald J. Trump
It’s a great honor to be with President El-Sisi, a friend—a great friend—of Egypt
A STRATEGIC AND POWERFUL PARTNERSHIP: The United States and Egypt have a strong relationship with many security and economic implications.
- Today marks the second visit of President El-Sisi to the White House since 2017.
- Egypt has long been an important strategic partner in the Middle East.
- United States assistance to Egypt has played a central role in the country’s economic and military development.
- Since the 1979 Egypt–Israel Treaty of Peace, the United States has provided Egypt with more than $40 billion in military assistance and $30 billion in economic assistance.
- Egypt has become an anchor of stability in the Middle East, as exemplified by its enduring forty-year peace with Israel.
- The United States encourages the Egyptian government to preserve space for civil society and to protect human rights.
PROMOTING REGIONAL STABILITY: President Trump is strengthening our partnership with Egypt and promoting regional stability across the Middle East.
- President Trump is working with Egypt on issues impacting regional stability including conflicts in Libya, Syria, and Yemen and progress on the Middle East Strategic Alliance.
- The Trump Administration is working with Egypt to combat terrorism and to stop the spread of radical Islamic terrorism.
- The United States is providing Egypt with military training and equipment to support counterterrorism efforts.
- We continue to strengthen our strategic relationship through security cooperation and broader security efforts.
- President Trump applauds Egypt’s efforts to advance female economic empowerment and promote religious freedom.
- The Trump Administration supports the Egyptian government’s bold program of economic reform, which will set Egypt on the course of long-term economic stability.
- Egypt hosted the inaugural meeting of the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum, which will enhance economic cooperation and shared prosperity among countries across the region.
EXPANDING FAIR AND RECIPROCAL TRADE: President Trump is building on the strong and robust trade relationship between the United States and Egypt.
- The United States and Egypt have a robust bilateral trade relationship.
- President Trump hopes to build on this relationship through cooperation and mutual benefit.
- America is one of Egypt’s leading trade partners.
- In 2018, the United States goods trade surplus with Egypt was $2.6 billion, a 9.3 percent increase from 2017.
- In 2018, United States goods exports to Egypt totaled $5.1 billion, up 26.7 percent from 2017.
- America and Egypt continue to work together to promote fair trade and increased investment by addressing market access, standards, labor, and intellectual property protection issues.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of U.S. Embassy – Cairo.
Source: British Embassy Mogadishu |
MOGADISHU, Somalia, April 10, 2019/APO Group/ —
A high-level delegation of Ambassadors and representatives from Denmark, European Union, Finland, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom visited Hargeisa, Somaliland, on 2 to 3 April 2019. The delegation met with H.E. President Muse Bihi Abdi, all political parties, Parliament, the Electoral Commission and representatives of civil society organisations.
The main purpose of the visit was to demonstrate the partners’ continued support for Somaliland’s democratisation process and, in that context, underline the need for parliamentary and local council elections to take place on time on 12 December 2019.
The delegation noted with concern the lack of progress in the preparations for the elections due to disagreements between the three main political parties and in the passage of electoral legislation in the Parliament.
The delegation expressed the willingness of the international community to work with Somaliland to address the current drought
The delegation regretted this state of affairs, and underlined the risks that further delay would pose to the democratic credentials and international perception of Somaliland. Partners urged all political parties to demonstrate their commitment and will to make the necessary compromises to unblock the stalemate and to support the work of the Electoral Commission.They also urged the House of Representatives to accelerate the passage of the Electoral Law.
They underlined that elections should be held according to the principles of inclusiveness, transparency and credibility in a peaceful environment and stressed that women and minorities needed to be provided with a legally enforceable right to participate and be elected.
The delegation expressed the willingness of the international community to work with Somaliland to address the current drought. The delegation stressed that the long-term solution to the negative impact of recurrent droughts lay with a sustainable and resilient development trajectory.
They also welcomed a commitment by the H.E. President Muse Bihi Abdi to pursuing dialogue with H.E. President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed Farmaajo and with H.E. President Said Abdullahi Deni of Puntland, including on current security challenges.
The delegation thanked their hosts for their warm hospitality during the visit and reaffirmed their support for Somaliland’s development and democratisation.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of British Embassy Mogadishu.
Sahra halgan waxaa markhaati ugu filan magaceeda oo ku asteysan halgankii Dib u xoreynta Somaliland, Sahray Xor baad tahay wadankaga iyo dadkaaga ayaa ku ilaalinaya. Waxii aad dalkan iyo dalkan u qabatey facebook gaagii oo la aftuubay oo war beena lagu soo qorey ma aha wax akhiro iyo aduunba u wanaagsan cida sidaa yeeshay balse Adiga waxba lagu yeelimaayo,fikirkaagu waa mid ka xor ah reernimo oo ka korey balse markii aad intan ka yareed ee aad dhaawaca ku dheyi jirtey goobihii Kaam Abokor,geed- deeb -leh ,Salaxley iyo meelo kale kuwii aad dhaysey baa nool oo markhaati kugu filan.Reer ma tihid ee Somalilander baad tahay mabda ahaan , Reer ahaana Isaaq baad ka dhalatey oo halgamayashooda aan badbaadin balse lugaha iskaga duuba oo tariikhdooda aasa,Somalilanderkuna waa iskugu kaa mid sidaan qabo.
Ganacsade Axmed Weli isagu ka muu hadal arintan intaan ogahay su’aalaha la isweydiin karaa waxay tahay kuwan:-
1- Ganacsade Axmed muxuu isagu uga hadliyaawey arintan lagu muran san yahay ee lala xidhiidhinayo ?
2- Axmed waa nin ganacsade weyn ah waa nin magac ku leh dalalka geeska Afrika oo ganacsigiisu balaadhan yahay balse ilaa hada lama hayo cid wakiilka ah oo maamulka ganacsigiisa ka mid ah oo arintan ka hadashay,waayo Axmed ma aha shaqsi keligii ah ee wuxuu lee yahay shirkado ganacsi oo balaadhan sidaa darted marka ay arintani timaado waxaa waajib ku ah in uu ka hadlo ama cid wakil ka ahi ka hadasho maxaa taa loo waayey?
3- Axmed Waxaa inta la maleenayo uu lee yahay laba dhalasho oo kala ah :-
a- Somalilander 2- Jaboutiyaan , waxaa aan maleenayaa oo kale in uu haysto dhalasho wadamada yurubta galbeed ah balse ma hubo,taasi,Sidaa darteed intaa dawladood ee uu dhalashadiisa uu haystaa waa u muwaadin oo waa nin sharci ku leh,sidaa darteed Axmed arimihiisu way ka adag yihiin mid hal dal oo keliyihii sameyn ku leh. Hadaba waa maxay sababta Axmed arintiisa odayaal beel ku hadlaya afkoodu ay uga hadlayaan oo loo la yahay cid dhinaca sharciga aqoon u leh oo arinta Axmed la wadaagta Bulshada maxaa qaldan ee looga warwareegayaa runta ku gadaaman Axmed iyo Xaaladiisa.
Waxaa aan kula talin lahaa in si furan oo xaqiiqo ah uu Axmed doodisa ula wadaago bulshada Somaliland ee iyaga oo aan war sugan arinta Axmed Budka uun la ordaya ee Qarankii Somaliland ku jahawereerinaya war kolba in yar oo aan cadeyn la inoo soo deenayo.
Dawlada Somaliland iyo Saxaafadeeda waxaa la gudboon in warka xaqiiqada ah ee Axmed Barnaamuj gaara ka soo daayaan oo isku dheeli tiran oo salka ku haya waxaa jira,labada dhinacba waxay ka gaabiyeen in ay soo bandhigaan xaqiiqda iyo waxa uu daaran yahay arintan Axmed sidaa darteed Ganacsade Axmed iyo Dawladu oo barlamaanku ku Jiro si fiican warka Axmed iyo waxa loo haysto ha u soo bandhigeen isaguna(Axmed Geele Arab) dadka hala wadaago xogtiisa arintan si aanu u difaacno hadii laga gardaran yahay hadii uu gardaran yahayna aanu ula talion,balse arin reer ma aha arintani waa arin ka balaadhan oo salka ku haysa dawlado,ganacsiyo iwm.
© Reuters/DADO RUVIC A person holds a smartphone with the Facebook logo in front of displayed “top secret” and “email” words, in this picture illustration
(Reuters) – Facebook Inc said on Wednesday it had taken down the data bases containing its user data from Amazon.com Inc’s cloud servers after a report from cybersecurity firm UpGuard pointed to millions of exposed records.
UpGuard’s Cyber Risk team said Mexico City-based digital platform Cultura Colectiva openly stored 540 million records on Facebook users, including identification numbers, comments, reactions and account names.
Another database, an app called At the Pool, listed names, passwords and email addresses of 22,000 people, UpGuard said.
A picture shows the Amazon logo at the entrance area of the Amazon logistics centre in Lauwin-Planque, northern France, on March 4, 2019. (Photo by DENIS CHARLET / AFP) (Photo credit should read DENIS CHARLET/AFP/Getty Images)
“We worked to get the databases in question taken down, but we are still investigating exactly what information was stored there,” a Facebook spokeswoman said, adding that the company’s policies prohibit storing user information in a public database.
Facebook has been hit by a number of privacy-related issues, with the latest being a glitch that exposed passwords of millions of users stored in readable format within its internal systems to its employees.
Last year, the company had come under fire following revelations that Cambridge Analytica had harvested personal data of millions of people’s Facebook profiles without their consent.
© PA Wire/PA Images The offices where Cambridge Analytica (CA) in central London are based, the firm at the centre of the Facebook data-sharing scandal, is to shut down, the company has announced. (Photo by Rick Findler/PA Images via Getty Images)
The company later announced changes to the platform aimed at protecting user data.
Amazon did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
(Reporting by Akanksha Rana and Sayanti Chakraborty in Bengaluru; Editing by James Emmanuel)
Waxaa aan Jecelahay in aan rayi geyga ku darsado qoraal kan yar oo aan u maleynayo inuu soo koobayo sida aan anigu u arko sheekada Axmed iyo Jabuuti iney ku haboon tahay in loo wajaho.
Ugu horeyn ma rabo in aan faalo ka bixiyo dacwada la sheegey in Axmed iyo dalka Jabuuti u dhaxaysa oo anigu xogogaal uma ihi waxaa laysku haysto iyo waxaa ka jira Waayo?
Mudane Axmed Cismaan oo Media ha hadlay oo leh Dawlada Jabuuti ayaa dacwad igaga furan tahay ma maqal melena kuma arag qoraal iyo cod uu lee yahay oo uu ku muujinayo arintaa.
Go’aan qodobeysan oo maxkamada la aqoon yahay soo saartey oo xaqiiqo aan odhankaro 100% waa mid run ahna ma arag mana akhriyin sidaa darteed arintaa maadaama aanan labada dhinacba war iyo wacaal sugan oo ay ku xaqiijinayaan aanan ka haynin in aan wax ka sheegaa waa igu dambi sidaa darteed waxaa aan qudha oo aan qoraalkeygan kaga hadlayaa in bal hadii arin noocaas ahi dhacdo sharciyan sida loo furdaamin karo iyo sida ay muhiim u tahay in loo ilaaliyo sharafta Qaranka Somaliland.
Ganacsade Axmed Cismaan :
Ganacsade Axmed Cismaan waa muwaadin Somaliland ah,Waxaana uu lee yahay xuquuqda sharci ee muwaadinka Somaliland lee yahay ee ku xusan dastuurka iyo shuruucda kale ee dalka.
Sidaa darteed Xuquuqdiisa dhinac kastaba waxaa ilaalinaysa Dawlada Somaliland sida:
Hadii uu dalka gudihiisa joogo iyo hadii uu debidiisa joogo ba.
Muwaadin Somaliland ah hadii dacwadi kaga socoto dal debeda ka ah dalkiisa ama lagu xidho waxaa dalkaasi ama maxkamadaasi la dacwoonayaa waa wasaarada arimaha debeda ee Somaliland oo xidhiidh la sameyneysa Wasaarada arimaha debeda ee dalkaasi uu muwaadinka Somaliland ku xidhan yahay ama gartiisa lagu qaadayo,Markaa dawlad iyo dawlad ayaa arintu noqoneysaa, iyada oo lagu dhaqmayo qaynuunka caalamiga ah (International Law).
Sidaa darteed iyada oo Somaliland Dawlad lee dahay yaanba la aqoonsane in Ganacsade Axmed arintiisa saraadiin,odayaal reer ku cumaamadani ka hadlaan waa arin aad u liidata oo weliba xamaasad iyo hanjabaad dusha lagaga tuuro qaranka Somaliland arintaasi waxay jidkeeda mari lahayd:
Odayda Beesha arab hadii ay doonayaan qaab dhaqan in arinta loo xalilo waa in ay beesha Ciise gaar ahaan jilibka madaxweyne geele garta u dhigtaan oo arinta beel beelka dhigaan iyo arin dhaqan balse hadii dawlad muwaadinkeeda difaacda la doonayo horta waa in la hubiyaa sida ay wax u jiraan,cida haysatad Axmed ka dibna si qaranimo ah loo wajahaa xaalada ganacsade Axmed oo gartiisa la gala,cadaaladna lagu gala si wadajirna loo xaliyaa balse inta odayaal arinta reereenayaal qaranka meeli ugama banana arinta ee reerahu sharciyadooda dhaqan ha ku xaliyeen oo Ismaciil Cumar Geele iyo Axmed Cismaan Geele odaydoodu ha ku dhexgaleen xeerarka beelahooda,Somaliland iyo Dawladeedana faraha halaga qaado hadiise la rabo in dawlad iyo dawlad loo garamo oo Axmed arintiisa lagu furdaamiyo shuruucda qaranka Somaliland iyo kuwa caalamiga ah ee ilaalinaya xuquuda muwaadinka Somaliland ,Axmed waxaa la gudboon inuu dacwadiisa u gudbiyo wasaarada arimaha debeda ee Somaliland,si wasaarada arimaha debeda ee Jabuuti u diyaariso jawiga loo qaadayo dacwadaha ku saabsan Axmed si shuruucda caalamiga ah loo waafajiyo labada sharci ee labda dal.
Sidaa darteed Mudane Axmed waxaa difaaci kara waa qaranka Somaliland iyo shuruucdiisa,waana muhiim in Axmed sharcigu difaaco naftiisa iyo maalkiisa intaba,waanuna eegi doonaa xaalada Axmed balse Qaab ku dhisan Reer laguma difaaci karo qadiyada Axmed ee waa in aynu Qaran ku difaacnaa.
Waad Mahadsantihiin Dhamaan
Faalo ma leh balse waa taariikh nin waliba wuxuu yahay uun buu ku hadlaa shar iyo khayr qaran dhise iyo qaran kakla tuure daneyste iyo dal jire ka fiirso in taanad falin isku dirida umada laguma gaadho tarajo,balse ogow Alle(swt) hadal gafa waa aad ka hortidhaahdaa balse kagama dhaafo mar dambaad garan aduunkuna waa maalmo yar oo sida hilaaca kuu soo hormaraya talo adigey kula gudboontey aniga waa iga diginin ee dadka iyo dalka haloo turo waa hadii aydin rabtaan dalkiina in aad dhisataan hagaajisataan,balse waxay ila tahay in aaney iimuuqan dadkii dalkan lahaa iney joogaan aduunkan,Maalin walba Dawlad loo hanjabayo,Cuqaal qoryo wada sidata siyaasi afkiisu seef yahay dadkan iyo dalkan dhaqi mayo,maxaa inoo diidey inaga oo aan hanjabin dadka aan kicin reero aynaan dhaleeceen in laga wada tashashado wixii qaldan oo siyaasiga odayga hanjabayaa uu si miyir qaba u hadlo wuxuu tabanayo wadahadal ku dayo mise weli waxaynu ku jirnaa 1700 oo dal ku duurka xoolaha ku dhaqanayeen oo sida loo kala xoog badan yahay la iskugu xoog sheegan jirey.maxay tahay aqoonsiga aynu dooneynaa,maxay tahay dawlada aynu wax ka sugeynaa kol hadii reer walba marka uu wax tabto ama sax ama khalad intuu saxaafada soo fadhiistaan hanjabaad iyo hadalo turxaanleh oo aad moodo in reer loo hanjabayo kolkaa reer Somaliland Odayadeeda waxaa la gudboon in ay laba mid uun la yimaadan :
1- Qaran iyo dawladnimo lagu kala dambeeyo
2- reer reer mid waliba iskii isku maamulo oo xuduud gaara sameysto
ka dibna si fudud loola wareego oo cid kale u taliso doorashadu waa idinka.
Indeed Allah loves those who repent and those who keep clean.(Suratul Baqarah, Verse 222)
Cleanliness is very important aspect of Islam. According to a hadeeth, Rasoolillah(sallallahu alayhi wasallam) said,”Cleanliness is half of Imaan[faith].” (Mishkaat) As Muslims, we should therefore pay attention to the following:
1- Cleanliness of the Mind and the heart
Muslims are duty-bound to perform good deeds and have pure thoughts. We should not have evil thoughts, not , nor should we harm others. Lies and falsehood are forms of filth and impurity.
All types of sin and evil have a bad effect on the soul.
2- Cleanliness in our homes and surroundings
Muslim homes should be kept clean and taahir (pure) at all times. Dropping litter any where other then in a litter pin is wrong and should be avoided.
3- Cleanliness in places of worship
Masaajid must be kept clean and perfumed.
4- Cleanliness of our bodies and clothing
AS Muslims, we should not allow any form of impurity or dirt to gather or remain on our bodies or chothing.
By Harriet Line, Press Association Political Correspondent Theresa May says she will resign as prime minister if it means her Brexit deal passes May’s bombshell resignation statement in full
© Victoria Jones Theresa May’s time in office could be coming to a close (Victoria Jones/PA)
Theresa May’s announcement to Conservative MPs that she is prepared to step down for the second phase of Brexit talks should her EU withdrawal deal pass has sparked speculation about who might replace her.
The Prime Minister’s decision to tell the 1922 Committee that she “won’t stand in the way” of new leadership prompted leading Brexiteer Jacob Rees-Mogg to say: “The great joy of the Tory Party is it has so many talented people in it. It’s like finding a fast bowler in Yorkshire. You just call and one appears.”
Here’s a look at key names currently being floated to take the helm if Mrs May steps down.
© Provided by The Press Association The Environment Secretary said it was “not the time to change the captain of the ship’ (Victoria Jones/PA)
The Environment Secretary had a bruising experience in the last Tory leadership race but he is now seen as the favourite at 7-2 – according to William Hill – to replace Mrs May, largely due to his Brexiteer credentials.
In June 2016, Mr Gove, who was campaign manager for Boris Johnson’s drive to succeed David Cameron, withdrew his support on the morning Mr Johnson was due to declare and threw his own hat in the ring instead.
He came third in the first round of voting, trailing behind ultimate winner Mrs May and Andrea Leadsom.
Mr Gove, 51, was born in Edinburgh, studied English at Oxford and was a journalist before becoming an MP. He is married to Daily Mail columnist Sarah Vine.
Despite speculation he could take the job, he told reporters on Sunday it was “not the time to change the captain of the ship”.
© Provided by The Press Association David Lidington said ‘I don’t think that I’ve any wish to take over from the PM’ (Stefan Rousseau/PA)
Mrs May’s de facto deputy is seen by some as the natural caretaker prime minister but he has been clear he does not want the job.
“One thing that working closely with the Prime Minister does is cure you completely of any lingering shred of ambition to want to do that task,” he said on Sunday.
William Hill are offering odds of 6-1 for him to become Number 10’s next occupant.
The 62-year-old has been the MP for Aylesbury since 1992 and was minister of state for Europe from 2010 to 2016. He is married with four children.
© Provided by The Press Association Boris Johnson was a key player in the 2017 Leave campaign (Stefan Rousseau/PA)
Prominent Brexiteer and former foreign secretary Mr Johnson has been a leading voice of opposition to Mrs May’s Brexit plan.
The colourful Old Etonian was one of the key players in the 2017 Leave campaign and resigned from the Cabinet following the Chequers summit in July.
He was heavily tipped as a successor to Mr Cameron but ruled himself out of the 2016 leadership contest after Mr Gove made a last-minute bid for the top job.
Odds of him taking the helm have come in at 6-1, according to William Hill, but he is likely to have the backing of many pro-Leave members of the party.
© Provided by The Press Association Jeremy Hunt chose not to run in the 2016 leadership contest (Stefan Rousseau/PA)
Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt, with odds of 10-1 at William Hill, was a prominent Remainer in the 2016 referendum.
As health secretary, Mr Hunt fought a long battle with doctors over a new contract.
The 52-year-old, who was first elected as MP for South West Surrey in 2005, was appointed Foreign Secretary in July following the resignation of Mr Johnson.
He chose not to run in the 2016 leadership contest and instead gave his full support to Mrs May, saying it was “not the right time” to put his hat in the ring.
Mr Hunt made a public shift towards Euroscepticism after the referendum, which could win him allies in the Leave camp if he ran for the top job.
© Provided by The Press Association Dominic Raab is thought to have ambitions of taking on the top job (Steve Parsons/PA)
With odds at 12-1, Mr Raab is an outlier to take over from the Prime Minister but is thought to harbour ambitions for the role.
Mr Raab, a prominent Brexiteer in the referendum campaign, was appointed as Brexit secretary in July but resigned from the role in November, saying he could not support Mrs May’s eventual deal.
In his resignation letter on November 15, he wrote: “Ultimately, you deserve a Brexit Secretary who can make the case for the deal you are pursuing with conviction. I am only sorry, in good conscience, that I cannot.”
Mr Raab, 44, has been the MP for Esher and Walton since he was elected in 2010.
Source: Microsoft News