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DO YOU KNOW WHERE THE CHILDREN ARE?
The recruitment of children raises many important questions, the most important being whether children should be recruited at all and what is the definition of a child. The most internationally accepted definition for a child soldier is established in the Cape Town Principles 1997 by UNICEF: “any person under 18 years of age who is part of any kind of regular or irregular armed force or armed group in any capacity.” However, this is not a legal definition.
The issue of child soldiers is governed by three bodies of international law: international humanitarian law, international human rights law and international criminal law. The international humanitarian law is established in the four Geneva Conventions of 1949 (GCs) and their Additional Protocols of 1977 (APs) which are focused on the rules of armed conflicts. The main international human rights law governing the issue of the recruitment of children is the Convention of the Rights of the Child of 1989 (CRC) and the Optional Protocol on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict (OPAC), 2002. The international criminal law is established in the Rome Statute of 1998 that regulates the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Further, there is customary international law which is not written in a statute but is universally binding to everyone.
The GCs are silent on the issues of recruitment and the participation of children in hostilities because these were originally considered as domestic decisions for states to establish independently. According to the GCs, children are not participants in conflicts and are therefore protected as civilians. The two APs to the GCs aimed to voice the issue of children participating in the conflict. There are two APs because the Member States held that is was important to differentiate the rules of an international armed conflict from the rules of a non-international armed conflict. The First Additional Protocol (AP1), which is applicable for international armed conflicts only, allows the recruitment of children between the ages of 15 and 18 into the state armed forces. However, it prevents them from directly taking part in hostilities. This leaves open the question of what is meant by direct participation. According to the Second Additional Protocol (AP2), which applies to non-international armed conflicts, persons under the age of 15 shall not be recruited by either the state armed forces or non-state armed groups and they shall not participate in conflicts in any way. This means that both APs consider 15 as the minimum age for recruitment and participation. However, this does not address the issue of children between the ages of 15 and 18. It should be noted that the APs do not include any measure of implementation or monitoring which makes them less effective.
Article 77 of the AP1 orders states to give priority to the older children when recruiting persons between the ages of 15 and 18. When it was drafted, it was commented that children between the ages of 16 and 18 were more physically fit to fight than their fathers and therefore would be more preferred for the armed forces. Further, due to the age structure in many countries, there are actually more children capable of fighting than people over the age of 18. Under the APs children are eligible for two kinds of protection. First, children are considered to receive general protection as civilians and secondly, children under the age of 15 receive special protection if they fall into enemy hands. However, this protection is very narrow and reflects the fact that the APs are not designed to protect children as combatants.
The CRC is a universal treaty which provides a definition for a ‘child’: a person under the age of 18. According to article 38 of the CRC, states must ensure that persons under the age of 15 do not partake in conflicts directly and shall take measurements to protect children affected by armed conflicts. The main international human rights law regulating children in conflicts is the OPAC. In 2018, 167 states had ratified the Protocol and 12 other states had signed it making the law nearly as universal as the CRC itself. The OPAC requires the State Parties to introduce the protocol into domestic legislation, inform the public of the regulations, demilitarise children from armed groups and aid them in reintegration to the communities.
Article 1 of the OPAC imposes an obligation on the state to ensure that members of the state armed forces under the age of 18 do not take a direct part in the hostilities. According to article 2, the state is responsible for ensuring that children will not be forcibly recruited to their armed forces. However, article 3 permits a state to accept voluntary recruits without an age limit. Stricter terms are applied when determining the rules of other armed groups within a state under article 4. Non-state armed groups are prevented from recruiting and using children under the age of 18 in any situation. This was confirmed by the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) in the case of Issa Hassan Sesay which determined that non-state armed groups cannot recruit children under the age of 18 ‘under any circumstances’. Even though this case is not binding on states, it should be viewed as a good precedent on how the law should be interpreted.
The only protection the OPAC provides for voluntary recruits under the age of 18 is that the states recognise that they are under a special protection under the OPAC. Further, OPAC suggests that states set the minimum age of voluntary recruitment according to the CRC article 38whic h sets the limit of direct participation at 15. These two articles seem to be inconsistent with each other as article 1 sets a clear limit at 18 and article 3 provides a way around it. Further, the OPAC fails to distinguish what is meant by a direct or an indirect participation and brings a question whether it is ever possible for a person under the age of 18 to truly volunteer. The Cape Town Principles attempted to solve these issues by abolishing the concepts of direct and indirect participation as well as the idea of a voluntary recruitment of a person under the age of 18. However, these principles are not enforceable law.
There are practical issues in the states guaranteeing that no person under the age of 18 is recruited to the armed forces. The OPAC states that a ‘reliable proof of age’ must be shown upon recruitment but this is hard to fulfil in many States, where national birth registration systems are weak or unreliable. Various international human rights bodies argue against prosecuting children for the grave breaches because it harms their chances for rehabilitation and it is controversial to the state’s responsibility to demilitarise children and to provide them with the necessary support for rehabilitation is established in article 6(3) of the OPAC.
Article 8 of the Rome Statute also criminalises the enlistment of children under the age of 15 by the state armed forces and by non-state armed groups and allowing them to participate in conflicts, confirming the position that the APs have taken. The Statute does not address the issue of recruitment of children between the ages of 15 and 18 but article 26 limits criminal liability to 18. This means that the ICC does not prosecute anyone for crimes they have committed during conflicts while being under the age of 18. Further, it leaves children between the ages of 15 and 18 are without a status: they are neither victims nor perpetrators.
Most countries have ratified or signed the Rome Statute establishing the recruitment of children under the age of 15 as a war crime. The International Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labour which prohibits the compulsory recruitment of persons under 18 by an armed group have been ratified by 186 states. It seems that the international law is more lenient to allow government armed forces to recruit volunteers between the ages of 15 and 18 to take some part in hostilities whereas non-state armed groups are prevented from recruiting anyone under the age of 18. The enforceability of this is difficult as the international law ratified by the State Parties is only binding on those states and no other armed groups within the states. Further, it is likely that the armed groups within the state are fighting against the state. These discrepancies in international law of the definition of a child, the minimum age for recruitment and the age for criminal liability create loopholes which are exploited by Member State governments as well as non-state armed groups.
Sources : Freedom From Fear Magazine (F3
b) AFTAHAN PRODUCTION
Definition of a child soldier
A child associated with an armed force or armed group refers to any person below 18 years of age who is, or who has been, recruited or used by an armed force or armed group in any capacity, including but not limited to children, boys and girls, used as fighters, cooks, porters, spies or for sexual purposes.
(Source: Paris Principles on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict 2007)
SOMALILAND NA WAXAA KA SOCDA QABANQAABADA DOORASHOOYINKA DADWEYNUHU KU DOORANAYAAN WAKIILADOODA
Inkasta oo imaatinkii Madaxweyna Somalida Muqdisho Farmaajo uu ku soo baxay qaab qorsheysan oo ay ka dambeeyeen dawlado shisheeye oo dano gaara ah oo maslaxadooda u arkaan ka lee yihiin Somaliya iyo Farmaajo taasna ay caddemo loo hayo oo ay kow ka tahay:
In loo iibiyey codadkii barlamaanada ee uu ku soo baxay taas oo si musuqa ugu soo baxay arintaas waxaa ka faaloodey ha’ado warbaahineed oo caalamiya sida kuwan hoos ku qoran:
Newly elected President Mohamed – better known as “Farmajo” due to his childhood passion for cheese – had beaten the odds. His opponents were better funded, with powerful regional and international backers, many of whom had representatives at highly secured Mogadishu airport complex, where the entire election exercise was conducted.
“Outside forces like Turkey, Sudan, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar are widely believed to have been buying off presidential candidates to land juicy business deals, spread a harsh version of Islam or spy on American forces,” noted a New York Times article published a day before the February 8 election.
In the lead-up to Wednesday’s vote, the New York Times article, aptly titled, “Fueled by Bribes, Somalia’s Election Seen as a Milestone of Corruption,” set the talking points for news anchors clueless about the Horn of Africa nation who suddenly found themselves confronting Somalia experts on live TV.
A report, also published on Tuesday, by the Mogadishu-based anti-corruption group, Marqaati, supplied the most-cited description of the 2017 vote as “the most expensive vote-buying campaign in human history”.
Corruption dominated the news agenda before and after the election. It was C-word central time: How corrupt was the election? How corrupt was the winner? How corrupt were his opponents? If the winner was not corrupt, how did he win? Did that mean Somalia was not corrupt? Did it mean Somalia was inherently corrupt, but dropped its default setting for a day? How did that happen?
True to form, the international community’s response to the vote also banged on with the old theme. “We encourage Somalia’s new administration to take credible steps to stamp out corruption and to establish strong electoral institutions to enable a free and fair one-person, one-vote poll in 2020,” US State Department spokesman Mark Toner said as the US congratulated Mohamed. The UK will be hosting yet another London conference on Somalia later this year and the favourite British talking points of foreign aid, fraud and corruption will once again dominate the proceedings, so that discourse is set to continue in the months to come.
Arimahaasi waxay cadeenayaan in uu Farmaajo laga lahaa ujeedo qorsheysan in uu ku soo baxo doorashada markii uu ku guuleystey doorashada waxaa uu bilaabay sidii uu u fulin lahaa qorshihii lagu balansanaa in uu ka shaqeeyo si uu ula jaan qaado wakhtiga cusub iyo qorshan ku wajahan danaha shisheeye.
Sida dadka qaarkii maleenayaan farmaajo asal ahaan wuxuu ahaa nin cadaawad u haya jabhadii la dagaalay kacaankii oktober taas oo uu horeba u muujiyey markii uu qoraalo uu samey ku aflagaadeyey beelo ka mida kuwa somaliyeed.
Farmaajo waxaa lagu eedaynayaa in uu galey dembiyo xuquuqda adamaha ka dhan ah sida:
1- Xasuuqii baydhabo
2- Dilkii ciidamadii somaliya ee ilaalada u ahaa Siyaasiga Cabdiraxmaan Cabdi shakuur
3- in ka badan 3000 oo caruur aad u da yar oo la askareeyey ilaa hadana la la yahay meel ay cag iyo jaandhigeen
4- Dhiibidii Qalbi dhagax
Bacalwaan muxuu ka sheegay farmajo maxaase ka jira hadalkan:
La soco qaybaha kale
Saxaafada had iyo jeer wararka ay qoraan waa in ay noqdaan kuwo ka turjumaya xaqiiqada dhabta ah kuwaas oo si taxadir ku jiro oo masuuliyadi ka muuqato looga baahan yahay inay u soo gudbiyaan warkan hoos ku qoran waxaan ka soo xigtey hadhwanaagnews.com oo warkan hoos ku qoran uga soo copy yey sidii uu ahaa sababtuna waa arin xaasxaasi ah sidaa darteed warkani hadii uu xaqiiqo yahay waxa looga bahan yahay in wasaarada caafimaadka somaliland baadhitaan ku sameyso sidoo kale ciidamada police ka Somaliland na waxaa looga baahan yahay in ay shaqadooda ka gutaan,shacabkana lala wadaago najiitooyinka baadhitaanada arintan si dhakhtarada iyo hospitalada dalka iyo kalsoonida dadka bukaanka ah loo damaanad qaado dawlada ayey tahay shaqadeeda in ay sharciga iyo siyaasada caafimaadka ee dalka ku ilaaliso dhinackasta oo nolosha,caafimaad,badbaada bulshada ah warkuna waxaa uu u qoran yahay sidan:
Cisbitaal Hargeysa Ku Yaalla Oo Muddo Saddex Maalmood Ah Qof Mayd Ah Ku Baadhanayay Qolka Dadka Liita Lagu Dabiibo Si Uu Kharashaad Uga Furto, Ehelkiisana Ugu Sheegay Inuu Nool Yahay
Friday January 15, 2021 – 13:44:49 in News by Xaaji Faysal
Xoghayaha Arrimaha Bulshada Xisbiga Mucaaridka Ah Ee WADDANI Md.
Hargeysa, Cisbitaal ku yaalla Magaalada Hargeysa ee Caasimadda Somaliland waxa laga soo wariyey dhacdo dhiillo leh, wakhti shacabka reer Somaliland baahiyo caafimaad la tacaalayaan iyo dhibka ay kala kulmayaan adeegyada Caafimaad mid dawli ah iyo mid gaar loo leeyahayba, waxaanay xaaladdani noqotay middii saacdihii la soo dhaafay loogu hadal haynta badnaa kadib markii la sheegay in cisbitaal gaar loo leeyahay qof mayd ah muddo ku dhaw saddex maalmood qof mayd ah ku baadhanayay qolka gargaarka dadka liita ee ICU-ga loo yaqaano.
Xoghayaha Arrimaha Bulshada Xisbiga Mucaaridka Ah Ee WADDANI Md. Maxamed Sadiiq Dhamme oo arrinkan dhiillada leh shacabka la wadaagay ayaa qoraal dheer oo uu shalay galab soo dhigay Bartiisa uu ku leeyahay degallada Xidhiidhka Bulshada waxa uu ku faahfaahiyay xaalladdan murugada leh waxaanu yidhi: “
60 Saacadood Dhakhtar Mayd Ku Baadhnaayay Sariirta ICU-Ga, Cusbitaal Hargaysa Ku Yaal !!!
Marxuumka oo xanuun sanbabada ahi haleelay ayaa la soo dhigay cusbitaallada gaarka loo leeyahay mid ka mida waxa loo keenay si loola tacaalo xaaladiisa caafimaada, waxase taagnayd ajashiisa oo aan calaf u laabnayn. Qoysku waxay saxeexeen warqadda dammanada ee qofka lagu dhigo qaybta ICU, isaga oo jareera qaba ayaa la geliya qaybta gargaarka degdegga, waxaana laga soo saaray isagoo Koomo wax la moodo ku jira oo aan dhaqaaq lahayn qof kastaana arkayo rejo la’aanta.
Waxa la saaray sariir kiro ah oo baxnaano ahaan loo dhigay, waxa lagu xidhay Haan Ogsajiin oo 24 saac shan haamood dhammaanayaan, xaaladda marxuumku waxay ahayd benednaan waxaana u muuqatay qoyska xubno ka mid ah in mayd uu yahay oo naftu ka baxday. Dhakhtar Masriya ayaa caddeeyay in uu nool yahay wadnihiisu 30% oo la sugo illaa uu ladnaanayo, hal mar kama soo rayn waxaanu ku sugnaa sidii lagu soo dhigay.
Waxa ku socday kharash xad dhaafa irabado $70 illaa $50 u dhexeeya oo saacad saacad loo dalbayo, Kirada sariirta, waxa dul taagan inan kalkaalisa ah oo xaalada lagu yidhi la soco. Dood adagbaa dhakhtarka agagaarkiisa ka socotay muddadaa geeri iyo nolol ninba meel ku tirinaayo Marxuumka. Anigoo oo booqday marxuumkaasi waxaan la kulmay dadbadan oo ka sheekaynaya dhacdadan oo kale iyo qaar ka halis badan oo dhacay.
Xabaashii waa la qoday, waxa hor dhooban gurigiisa haween u jooga in ay ka qayb qaataan axanka iyo aaska hawshiisa, badh baroorta iyo qaar laabta u qaboojiya ehelka ayaa laga koobnaa. Marba warbaa ku soo dhacaya qoyska guriga jooga oo la leeyahay wuu noolyahay iyo wuu geeriyooday, dabkii la shidayaa kolna waa la bakhtiiya, kolla dubaa loo huriyaa oo laga bilaabayaa shaqada waxa ka jiray guriga xaalad walaahow iyo welwel aad u weyn.
Cusbitaalka waxa jooga kalkaalisooyin qaybtaa ICU, inan qiimo badan oo iga codsatay in aanan magac dhabin waxay noo sheegtay in dhacdadani aanay ugub ahayn, dad kale oo soo booqday iyo kuwo la jaara dhahktarkuna way sheegeen in dad mayd ah sidan oo kale Ogsajiin iyo shaqo loogu waday oo ay ku socotay lacag qayra xad ahi. Gabadh saddex todobaad ka hor la keenay oo maydkeeda sariir la saaray way dillaaci gaadhay barar awgii sidii ay u lahaayeen way kasoo raynaysaa koomadana way ka soo baxaysaa daaya Ogasiija ugu xidhnayd !
60 Saac kaddib waxa loo yeedhay laba dhakhtar oo caan ah kana mida dhakhaatiirta magaalada ugu khibaradda badan laguna kalsoon yahay, markii ay soo dul istaageen meydka ayay sheegeen ninkani in uu geeriyooday 60 saac ka hor. Waxay amreen in dhammaan laga furo qalabka ku xidhan oo meydka la xurmeeyo lagana saaro cusbitaalka si loo aaso. Cusbtaalka oo ah Ka masaarida (International Hospital Hargeisa) ma joogin markaa mees, waxay canaanteen hablihii kalkaalisada ahaa.
Waxa ka dhacay cusbitaalkii buuq ehelkii oo maroora dillaaca oo toddobaad si naxariis dara lacag looga shubaayay ayaa shiitamay, odayga qoyska oo ah nin iimaan qaba, sheekha oo goba ayaa amray oo kala dareeriyay halkaana buuqii ku gunaanaday. Cusbitaalada gaarka maalin kasta waxa ka dhacda masuuliyad darro tan ka weyn nafaa ku go’ aan si khibradle loogu shaqayn.
Waxa ka jira Hargaysa cusbitaalo badan oo ay ka hawl galaan dhakhaatiir aan khibardooda la hubin, cusbitaalo loo furtay macaash sida bakhaarada oo aan adeegooga cid la socota oo qiimaysaa jirin, waxa loogu adeegaa bulshada qiimo xad dhaafa oo aanu bixin karin qof dan yari, dadka dhaqaalaha haystaa waxay tagaan dhakhaatiirta dibada iyo wadamada jaarka, dadka dan yarta ahna waxa u ciirsiya cusbitaalka guud ee Hargaysa oo gabbal baas u dumay adeeg iyo tayana aanu ka jirin, boqdayna kawaan lagu dhiig miirto dadka. Dawladnimadu waa adeeg iyo daryeel”. Ayuu qoraalkiisa ku yidhi xoghaye Dhamme.
Amb. Stephen M. Schwartz oo Arrimahaa ka hadlayaana wuxuu yidhi
“Degannaanshaha Somaliland iyo halka ay ku taallo, gaar ahaan dekedda Berbera waxay Maraykanka siin kartaa xulaashooyin istaraatiijiyadeed oo faa’iido leh…” Amb. Stephen M. Schwartz
Safiirkii Dawladdii Maraykanka u fadhiyey Dalka Sooaaliya intii u dhaxaysay 2016 ilaa 2017, Amb. Stephen M. Schwartz, ayaa Dawladdiisa u soo jeediyey inay qunsuliyad ka furato Somaliland.
Amb. Stephen M. Schwartz oo qoraal dheer qoray ayaa waxa kale uu Dawladdiisa u soo jeediyey inay Midowga Afrika kala shaqayso sidii loo dhisi lahaa meeqaamka Somaliland iyo in Madaxweynaha xiga Farmaajo ee Soomaaliya uu sameeyo Wada-hadallo midho-dhal ah oo uu la yeesho Somaliland.
Amb. Stephen M. Schwartz oo Arrimahaa ka hadlayaana wuxuu yidhi “Masaafadda iyo inay ka fog tahay Muqdisho, Maraykanku waa inuu Somaliland ka samaystaa Qunsuliyad, si ay u caawiso muwaaidniinta Maraykanka, Ganacsiga iyo in la dhiso xidhiidhada.”
Safiirku waxa kale oo uu sheegay “Waa inay sidoo kale kala shaqaysaa midowga iyo dhinacyada kaleba in la xalliyo meeqaamka Somaliland, iyadoo Madaxweynaha soo socda ee Soomaaliya (Madaxweynaha kan xiga) lagu dhiirigelinayo inuu sameeyo Wada-hadallo deg-deg ah oo macno leh.”ayuu yidhi, waxaanu intaa ku daray oo uu ka hadlay “Degannaanshaha Somaliland iyo halka ay ku taallo, gaar ahaan dekedda Berbera waxay Maraykanka siin kartaa xulaashooyin istaraatiijiyadeed oo faa’iido leh, laakiin waa haddii ay Somaliland yeelato sharci caalami ah oo lagaga wada xaajoodo heshiisyada.”
Waxaa aad moodaa marka si guud loo eego siyaasada Somaliland ee ku wajahan dalkii ay kala tegeyn ee Somaliya in ay tahay mid aad u gaabisa oo aad moodid in dawlada itaalka daran ee Somaliyada konfuureed iyo Siyaasiintoodu ay yihiin kuwo ka firfircoon oo ka galangal badan Somaliland iyo siyaasiinteeda arintaasina waa mida madaxa iskaga duubtey qadiyaadii Somaliland.
Waxaa aan marwalba la yaabaa ficilada caadifada ah ee madaxda Somaliland ku cataabaan marka ay siyaasiinta Somalida federalka ahi yara maroojiyaan gacanta dhinaca Somaliland runtii marka si cilmiya loo daraasadeeyo heerka firfircoonida siyaasiinta Somaliya iyo fahanka danahooda shaqsiyadeed iyo dhagaraha ay maleegaan ayaa sababa in marwalba kuwa Somaliland laga gacan sareeyo taas maxaa markhaati u ah bal u fiirso arimahan:
- Siyaasiinta Somalida federalka ahi waa kuwo mar walba kuwa dhigooda ah ee Somaliland ka naxsada oo meel aaney ka fileynin uun uga soo baxa
Arimahaa waxaa tusaale kugu filan
Madaxweynaha Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo iyo madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland, Muuse Biixi Cabdi ayaa markii ugu horreysay ku kulmay magaalada Addis Ababa, ee caasimadda waddanka Itoobiya.
Kulankaas oo ka dhacay Addis Ababa horaantii Feb 2020 wuxuu ahaa mid Rasal wasaaraha Ethiopia uu iskugu keeney labada madaxweyne iyada oo dad badani aaminsan yihiin in farmaajo wax ka ogaa qorshaha balse Madaxweyne Biixi kedis arintu ku ahayd oo aanu wax badan kala socon qorshaha.
Iyada oo Somaliland madaxdeedu sidaa ula socon ayaa si kedisa mar qudha uu soo dhacay warkan:
Guddoomiyaha golaha Guurtida Somaliland Saleebaan Maxamuud Aadan, ayaa sheegay in raysal wasaaraha Ethiopia Dr Abiy Ahmed, Somaliland ku cadaadinayo in isaga iyo madaxweynaha Soomaaliya wada yimaadaan Hargeysa.
Saleebaan, ayaa sheegay in xukuumadda Somaliland ka diiday codsiga raysal wasaaraha balse Abiy mar kale ku soo celiyay codsigooda imaanshaha Hargeysa.
Waxaa ka horeeyey in shirar laga doodayo Somaliland iyo somaliyada konfureed lagu qabto magaalooyinka Hargeysa Jabouti kuwaas oo ay gadhwadeen ka ahaayeen maxadyo Somalida konfureed ka socda sida:
Maxadka the Heritage
Inta badan waxaad moodaa in Siyaasiinta Somaliland ay ka seexdeen kaalintoodii iyo waajibkii ka saarnaa ka midha dhalinta arimaha Somaliland waxaad moodaa in ay ku baraarugaan dhaqdhaqaayada ku lidka ah danaha Jamhuuriyada Somaliland iyaga oo qarda jeexaya meelo aan muhiima kuwaas oo aad moodid in siyaasiinta Somaliland yihiin kuwo aan xitaa dersinba xaaladaha ku xeeran iyaga oo aad maqleysid arimo aad u hooseeya sida:
- Fanaaniin Xamar tagtey oo bandhig faneed ka sameeyey
- Ciyaar tooy ciyaaro u tegey sida warkan lagu qorey HWN:
Hargeysa(HWN):-Wasaaradda Ciyaaraha Somaliland, ayaa sheegtay inay Maxkamad la tiigsanayso Ciyaaryahannada Somaliland u dhashay ee ka qayb-qaatay Tartankii Maamul-gobolleedyada Soomaaliya……….
- Inan calanka Somaliya hargeysa ku xidhey
- Gabadh gabaydey iwm.
Arimaha muhiimka ah waxay ahayd:
- Shacabka Somaliland waxay intii ay ka mid ahaayeen Jamhuuriyadii Somaliya waxa ay wajaheen dhibatooyin waaweyn oo ugu waaweynayeen kuwii lagu bilkaabey 1980 kii
- Xasuuqii lagu hayey dadkaasi 1980 ilaa 1991
Waxa ay ahayd in dawladu u saarto maxkamdo iyo aqoonyahno ku xeeldheer sharciyada caalamiga ah ee dhinaca xuquuda adamiga iyo shurucda la xidhiidha oo diyaariya baadha soo saara xaqiiqada dhabta ah ee xasuuqii ay geesatey xukuumadii Somaliya wakhtigaa.
In la ururiyo lagana sameeyo buugaag la raadraaco oo si dhaba u qeexaya dhibkii loo geystey dadka reer Somaliland si aan mar dambe falkaasi oo kale u dhicin.
Taa badalkeeda waxaa cad in maanta dad badan oo reer Somaliland laga dhaadhicinayo Somali oo dhami way is laysey oo waxaa lee dihiin uun waa nalalaayey taas oo si xirfadeysan loogu qarinayo dhibkii dawladii Somaliya geesatey oo isku mid loonaga dhigayo dagaal kii
Diyaaradaha ciidamada circa ee Somaliya ku burburiyeen magaalooyinkii waaweynaa ee Somaliland
Madaafiicdii lidka diyaaradaha iyo hubkii cuslaa ee loogu talagaley indalkii somaliya lagu xasuuqay.
Bal sheeg meel kale oo Somaliya ka mid ah oo diyaarado lagu garaacey,loo soo kireystey calooshood u shaqeystay south Africa aan ah.
Reer Somaliland dawald baa xasuuqday balse dadka somaaliyeed dagaalo qabiil ayey wada galeen farqiguna waa kaa la rabo in dawladu xilkeeda ka gudato shuruucda caalamiga ahi way ogol yihiin in maxkamada dalku qaadi karaan gumaadkii Somaliland ka dhacay oo kale kaas oo marka xiga noqon doona mid maxkamadaha caalamiga sida maxkamda caalamiga iwm lagu qaado.
Balse maanta dadka siyaasada Somaliland hormoodka u ahi waa kuwo u muuqda kuwo dawladii Somaliya ee loo haystey gumaadkaasi kolba ay meel u soo marayaan iley iyagaa seexdaye kolkaa kolba inan yar oo xamar tegey ayaa la xidhayaa waa riyo kale oo madadaalo u muqata sidey ila tahay siyaasiinta Somaliland dadka ayaa wax ka odhan sida ay u seexdeen oo aan loo kala gareynin ma daacad daraa,ma aqoon baa sidaa ka ah mise waxay u haystaan in waanu ka baxney somaliya iney shaqadii ku dhan tahay ……..
Guest post by Chiara Ruffa and Annick T.R. Wibben Initiation rituals are common in modern militaries, and despite the common occurrence of abuse—see here, here and here—they persist. Last year, Sweden transitioned from an all-volunteer force back to conscription, but with a twist: conscription is now gender-neutral. The move was conceived to both increase the…Initiation Rituals Within the Military: Time for a Change — Political Violence at a Glance
European Innovation Council Fund: first equity investments of €178 million in breakthrough innovations — The European Sting – Critical News & Insights on European Politics, Economy, Foreign Affairs, Business & Technology – europeansting.com
(Credit: Unsplash) This article is brought to you in association with the European Commission. The Commission has announced today the first round of direct equity investment through the new European Innovation Council (EIC) Fund. 42 highly innovative start-ups and small and medium-sized businesses (SMEs) will together receive equity financing of around €178 million to develop and scale […]European Innovation Council Fund: first equity investments of €178 million in breakthrough innovations — The European Sting – Critical News & Insights on European Politics, Economy, Foreign Affairs, Business & Technology – europeansting.com
MARXUUM CALI-IID CUMAR MUXUMED
انا للة وانا الية راجعون
Anigoo ku hadlaya magacayga,iyo ka dhammaan hawl wadeenada Shabakadda Caalamigaa ee hogaanka.org media , waxaanu tacsi tiiranyo leh u diraynaa, dhammaan Reer Cali-iid Cumar,Reer Cumar Muxumed , Reer Cabdi Muxumed, guud ahaan reer muxumed oo dhan, sidoo kale ehelkii, qaraabadii ,xigtadii , axsaabtii iyo umada reer Somaliland ee uu kabaxay Cali-iid Omar Muxumed,oo ku geeriyootay Dalka Emirates 02/01/2021.
Waxaanu Allaha awooda leh uga baryeynaa inuu Cali-iid, naxar iistii janno Fardawsa ka waraabiyo, danbi dhaafna u fidiyo, iilka u nuuro , kuna siiyo naxariis, dhammaanteenna samir iyo iimaan innaga siiyo, Aamiin Aamiin Aamiin yaa Allah.
Sida aad ku arki kartid baadhitaanada hoos ee aan ku sameeyey xaalada Covid 19 ee Somaliland ama Somaliya sida data da The New York Times ee 5/01/21 waxaa aad ogaan kartaa in Somaliya guud ahaan ay ku jirto meelaha uga hooseeye caalamka ee caabuqa COVID 19 ka guji oo gal halkan hoose:
Sidoo kale marka aynu eegno data da WHO ee Afrika iyo Caabuqa COVID 19 ka Waxaa ogaaneysaa in Somaliya guud ahaanba ay tahay meelaha ugu hooseeya xanuunkan xaqiiqada guji oo gal halkan hoose: Click on WHO African Region COVID-19 Dashboard: https://arcg.is/XvuSX
Sidaa darteed ma hayno maqaalkaasi meesha ay ka soo qaadatey hadhwanaagnews waana ninka sheega ma dhaafto waxaanu uga fidhinaa cadeyn buuxda,Wargeyska New York Times Oo Warbixin Ka Qoray Xaaladda Xanuunka COVID 19 Ee Somaliland (hadhwanaagnews.ca)
Maanta waxaa la jooga wakhtigii beentu aanay heli karin meel ay ku dhuumato technology casriga ahi waxay fududeysey in si fudud loo ogaado war kasta oo la been abuuro in si fudud loo fashili karo adiguba baadh oo noo sheeg wakhtiga uu qorey maqaalkan hadhwanaagnews inoo sheegtey in uu qorey wergeyska New York Times .Waxaa laga rabaa hadhwanaagnews in ay noo soo bandhigaan maqaalkaasi ay sheegayaan cadadkiisa wakhtiga uu soo baxay taariikh ahaan iyo koobi ka mid ah maqaalkaas oo asal ah,arintaasi ayaa dadka reer Somaliland uga fadhiyaan hadhwanaagnews.com oo daabacdey maqaalkan hoose ku qoran.
Hargeisa(HWN):-Wargeyska New York Times oo sheegay in xannuunka Covid-19 uu Somaliland dadka ugu laynaayo si Aamusnaan ah.Xaaladda Somaliland ee Xannuunka Coronavirus ayaa laga dayriyay,iyadoo aanay jirin Warbixino la xidhiidha xaaladda Xannuunka ee xilligan Somaliland iyo heerka uu maraayo.
Wargeyska caanka ah ee New York Times ayaa warbixin la xidhiidha arrinta xannuunka Covid-19 ka qoray Somaliland,waxaannu daabacay warbixin uu kaga hadlayo Cusbitaalka kaliya ee Hargaysa lagu dabiibo dadka uu asiibo Xannuunka Covid-19.
“Qiyaas ahaan Boqolkiiba Sideetan Bukaannada laga helo Covid-19 ee Cusbitaalka guud ee Hargeysi u soo gudbiyo Daryeel Hospital nooma yimaadaan,guryahooda ayay ku dhintaan” Sidaa waxaa wargeyska New York Times u sheegay Dr.Yusuf Maxamed Axmed oo ka hawl-gala Daryeel Hospital.
Waxa uu intaasi raaciyay in Xannuunka Coronavirus dadka aamusnaan ku laayay, iyadoo ay Guryahoodda ku Dhimanayaan sida uu sheegay.”Hadda Virus-ku dadka aamusnaan buu ku laynayaa”ayuu sheegay Dr. Yuusuf Maxamed Axmed oo la hadlaayay Wargeyska.
Randa Xasan Maxamed oo ah Kalkaaliso Caafimaad oo ka shaqaysa Cusbitaalka Daryeel Hospital ee magaalada Hargeisa ayaa Bukaan qabay Xannuunka Covid-19 dibedda uga saartay Cusbitaalka, iyadoo ka saartay Qolkii uu jiifay,si uu u helo Hawada dabiiciga ah iyo cadceeda, taasoo qayb ka ah dedaallada lagu samato-bixinayo dadka Xannuunkaasi ku haleelo gudaha Somaliland.
Wargeysku waxa kale oo uu hadal qaaday tacsida badan ee bogagga Baraha bulshada daadsan,taasi oo uu tilmaan uga dhigaayo tiro badnida geerida.”COVID19 waxa uu la soo laabtay aar-gudasho” ayuu sheegay wargeyska oo soo xiganaya dad uu waraystay.
Dr.Xuseen Cabdillaahi Cali ayaa Wargeyska u sheegay in dhibaatooyinka u waawayn ee Somaliland ka jira ay ka mid tahay in dadka Cusbitaalka la geeyo marka ugu danbeysa ee Bukaanku uu ku jiro xaalada hakis ah oo aan waxba laga qaban karin.
Munaasibad Lagu abaalmariyey Ciidanka Ilaalada Madaxtooyada Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland ayaa maanta lagu qabtay Qasriga Madaxtooyada. Ciidanka la abaalmariyay waa kuwii lagu sifeeyay karti iyo hawlkarnimo dheeraad ah sidaas waxaa bogiisa face book ga ku soo bandhigay Agaasimaha Madaxtooyada Somaliland Maxamed Cali Bile.
Ra’iisalwasaare Aabihii Uu Codsaday Dhalashada Waddan Kale
“Weligey waxaan ahaan doonaa nin reer Yurub ah,”
Aabaha dhalay ra’iisulwasaaraha dalka UK, Boris Johnson, ayaa sheegay inuu codsanayo dhalashada dalka Faransiiska maadaama Britain ka baxday Midowga Yurub.
Stanley Johnson ayaa idaacada dalkaasi Faransiiska ee RTL u sheegay inuu waligiisba isku arki jiray inuu yahay nin Faransiis ah maadaama hooyadiis ay ku dhalatay dalkaasi Faransiiska.
Stanley oo 80 jir ah isla markaana horey u ahaa xubin ka tirsan xisbiga muxaafidka ee baarlamaanka reer Yurub ayaa aftidii sanadkii 2016 taageerayay in Britain ay ka sii mid ahaato midowga reer Yurub.
Wiilkiisa Boris oo hadda ah ra’iisulwasaaraha dalka UK ayaa hormuud ka ahaa ololihii ka bixitaanka Britain ee Midowga Yurub kaddibna waxaa haatan u suurtagashay in UK uu ugu dambeyntii ka saaro reer Yurub.
Stanley Johnson ayaa saacado uun ka hor inta UK aysan gebi ahaanba ka bixin Midowga Yurub waxa uu sharaxaad ka bixiyay sababta uu ku raadinayo dhalashada dalka Faransiiska.
“Ma ahan inaan raadinayo in aan noqdo muwaadin Faransiis ah balse waxa aan raadinayo ayaa ah in aan dib u hanto jinsiyaddeydii hore.”
Waxa uu sheegay in hooyadii ay ku dhalatay dalka Faransiiska, hooyadeedna ayba ahayd Faransiis. “Weligey waxaan ahaan doonaa nin reer Yurub ah,” ayuu raaciyay.
Stanley Johnson ayaa sanadkii 1979 ku guuleystay in uu ka mid noqdo baarlamaanka Midowga Yurub, xilligaasi oo ah markii ugu horreysay oo doorasho toos ah loo galo ka mid noqoshada baarlamaankaasi. Kaddib wuxuu u soo shaqeeyay golaha Midowga reer Yurub, sidaa awgeedna ra’iisalwasaare Boris waxa uu carruurnimadiisa inta badan ku soo qaatay xarunta Midowga Yurub ee Brussels.
Ka bixitaanka Britain ay ka baxday Miodwga Yurub ayaa kala qeybisay qoyska Johnson.
Rachel Johnson oo ah gabar weriye ah oo la dhalatay ra’iisulwasaare Boris Johnson ayaa isaga baxday xisbiga muxaafidka waxayna ku biirtay xisbiga Liberal Democrats ka hor doorashadii sanadkii 2017, iyadoo xilligaasi ka careysnayd ka bixitaanka Britain ay ka baxayso Midowga Yurub.
Walaalkood Jo Johnson oo ah xildhibaan ka tirsan xisbiga muxaafidka ah ayaa isna iska casilay golaha wasiirrada saandkii 2018, si uu u muujiyo taageeradiisa xiriirka dhow ee uu la leeyahay Midowga Yurub.
Dhismaha hayadaha waxaa ka horeeya Siyaasada qaranka ee hayada ka dibna waxaa loo diyaariyaa xeerkii lagu dhaqayey marka la dhameystiro xeerkeeda ayaa la abuuraa hayadihii siyaasadaa iyo qawaaniintaa ku dhismi lahaa kuna hawlgelilaha sidaas ayey ila tahay.
Xisbiyada Siyaasada ee Somaliland waxaa waajib ku ah in ay ilaaliyaan shuruucda iyo qiyaamka dadka iyo dalka Somaliland xisbiga wadani waxaa looga fadhiyaa in ay anshax marin ku sameeyaan gabadhan Gudoomiye xisbi sheeganaysa ee sida aan waafaqsanayn anshaxa iyo asluubka xisbinimo u hadlaysa, waxay kala qaybinaysaa xisbiga wadani,waxaaney iska horkeynayaa xisbiga iyo taageerayaashiisa sida ay u hadlasaana ma aha afkii xitaa qof xubin ka ah xisbi siyaasadeed waxaa aragti u dhow qof iska caadi ah oo taageersan xisbi kuna taageersan uun arin jifo tanina waa mid sumcada xisbiga wadani hoos u dhig iyo nuskhaan u ah.
Maxaynu u Cuskan karnaa dhaliilaha gabadhan:
1- Kaadhadhka in ay Bariga kaadhka qaatan…………..
Waxay guubaabineysaa in ay kaadhadhka codeynta qaataan reer barigu taas oo ku dhisan kala qaadis iyo kala soocid muwaadiyiinta reer Somaliland iyo fikir ku dhisan eex goboleysi taas oo ay ku niyad jabineyso xubnaha xisbiga ee gobolada kale ee dalka sida gobolada Galbeedka, waqooyi iyo Konfurta Somaliland.
Taasi waxay cadeynaysaa in hadii xisbiga wadani talaabo ka qaadi waayo oo uu saxi waayo in uu lumindoono kalsoonida shacabka reer Somaliland, sharcinimada xisbigana dib wax layskaga weydiindoono waayo sharciga xisbiyada somaliland ma ogola xisbi goboleed oo Bari oo keliya ku kooban.
2- Hargeysa Soo saara Xuseen Adan Cade iyo Barkhad…………….
Dhaliisha labaad ee aan ku naqdiyayo Gudoomiyaha wadani ee maamul wanaag ee UK sida ay sheegtey Amina Xirsi Maxamuud waxay si gaara ugu ololeynaysaa laba xubnood oo doorashada u tartamaya oo ay iloowdey in ay dhex u tahay dhamaan xubnaha kale ee uu xisbigu soo sharaxayo tanina waxay muujinaysaa kala jacleysi ama qadarin la’aan xubnaha kale ee xisbigeeda tani waa arin kale oo muujineysa kala faquuqid (discrimination) iyo haldhinacnimo (one-sidedness) iyada oo ku hadgudubtey anshaxa xisbinimada xisbiga wadani oo dhigaya in xubnaha xisbigu si siman loogu wada ololeeyo.
3- Buurta Dahabka …………
Waxay u gudubtey ka hadalka Buurta ay u bixisey buurta dahabka taas oo iyada oo sheeganeysa in ay ka mid tahay weliba madaxda xisbiga wadani tahay ay guubaabineyso Jilib ka mida Jilibyada meeshaa dega iyada oo ka horgeeneysa dadka kale ee deegaankaas la degen taas oo wax u dhimeysa nabadgelyada guud iyo tan degaankaasi gubabada noocan ahi meel kuma laha wadaniyada Somalinimada iyo Xisbinimada Wadani iyo kuwa kale ee caalamka waana Khiyaamo Qaran( national treason) Khiyaamo Qarana waa dambi ciqaabeed (a criminal offense) sida ku cad shuruucda wadankasta waayo waxay noqoneysaa in la baadho bal cida ka dambeysa iyo heerka ay arintani ku leedahay mawqifka xisbiga wadan ee danaha qaranka ee Somaliland.
Arinta ugu dambeysa waxay tahay waxaa jira dad badan oo wadamada reer galbeedka ku nool oo maqley xoriyada qowlka kuwaas oo u haysta in wixii la doonoba lagu hadli karo balse waxaa jira waxyaabo badan oo sharcigu wadankastaa xadidayo oo u baahan taxadir iyo intaanad falin ka fiirso kolkaa xisbiga wadani waxaa la gudboon in ay arintan gabadhani ka hadlayso ka jawaaban si ay reer Somaliland midnimadooda u dhowraan.
Ugu horey hadii aynu si cilmiya u gorfeyno (scientific-analytical) waxaa uu yahay Madxaf(Museum) iyo waxaa loola jeedo in lagaga faa’iideysto waxaa aynu ku soo ururinkarnaa:
1- Museum ku waa hayad daryeesha ururinta farshaxanka iyo waxyaabaha kale ee dhaqanka,taariikhda ama cilmiga sayniska ee qaran muhiim u ah.
Aqoon Yahan/Mujaahid Siciid Shugri Xuseen waxa uu yahay Gudoomiyaha Madxafka Saryan Museum oo Noqonaya Madxafkii ugu Horeeyay ee Somaliland Laga Hirgaliyay.
Madxafka Saryan museum oo ah kii ugu horey ee laga aas aaso Somaliland waxaa la aas aasey sanadkii 2017 waad garan gartaa in uu mudo yar uun uu jirey oo saddex sano uun lagu qiyaasi karo waxaana aas aasey aqoon yahan Siciid shugri Xuseen oo taariikh weyn ku leh dalkan Somaliland umada iyo dalkana wax weyn u qabtey ahna shaqsi ku sifeysan Jaceylka dalkisa iyo Dadkiisa. Arintaa waxaa markhaati u ah halka ay dadku kaga fikirayaan dantooda gaara waxaa uu isagu kaga fikirey danta guud waayo halgabkii shaqadiisa dhaqaalihii uu ka helay ayuu ku dhisay oo uu ku maalgeliyey Museum kan oo lagu ururinayo,farshaxanka,dhaqanka,halganka,ilbaxnimada,taariikhda iyo sayniska Somaliland, sideedaba Museumka looma abuuro dhaqaale ku helid balse waa meel lagu xafido sooyaalka iyo xadaradaha nololeed ee umadeed. Intaas hadii aan kaga baxo horudhacaas yare bal aan isku dayo guud ahaan inaan ka hadlo museum ku waxaa uu yahay.
Waa Maxay ujeedada Meuseum ka loo dhisaa?
Ujeedada Museum loo dhisaa waa in lagu ururiyo, lagu turjumo oo lagu soo bandhigo Farshanka,Dhaqanka ama Muhiimada Sayniska ee Waxbarashada dadweynaha (Public). Museum yada waa hay’ado loo abuurey danta guud (in Public interst)
Museumka iyo ardayda:
Museum ku waa goob waxbarasho waxaa socdaalo gaagaban lagu geeyaa ardeyda dugsi hoose ilaa Jamicad waxay ka soo faa’iidaan duruus aad u muhiima iyo fahan balaadhan oo la xidhiidha manhajkooda wax barasho,hadii ay noqoto farshan,taariikh iyo cilmiga iyo farsamada sayniska intaba.
Museumka Waxaa kale oo soo siyaarta dalxiisayaasha iyo dadweynaha kale ee wadanka iyaga oo iyaguna ka faa’iideysta taariikh,farshaxan,culuun kala duwan iyo fahanka asalka dalalka leh taariikhahaasi, Museumka waxaad kala kulmaysaa khuburo iyo dad si fiican kaga jawaaba su’aalaha la xidhiidha wax yaabaha la yaabka leh ee aad masxafka ku aragtid.
Waa goob lagu soo bandhigayo kaydka umada ee dhinacyada taariikhda ee umadaadsi hateytahay farshaxankoodii,tariikhdoodii,cilmiga sayniska,dhaqaalaha ,farsamada.siyaasada, dagaalada iyo dhamaanba asraartii umadaasi ama caalamkaba.
Museum ku wuxuu qaab ka yahay taariikhda iyo dalkiisa deegaanka uu ku yaalo waana meel muhiim u ah kobcinta dhaqaalaha ee ganacsiyada u dhow waayo dadka soo bookhanayaa waxay camirayaan meheradaha ka agdhow oo ay wax ka iibsadaan, Sidaa awgeed waxaa muhiima in ganacsataduna gacan ka geesato taageerida mesuem ka sida kan hargeysa ee Saryan Museum oo kale.
Waxaa la ogaadey in Museum ku kordhiyo luqadaha iyo Xirfadaha loo yaqaan (critical thinking skills) ee ardeyda booqashada ku tagta Museum ka Sidaa darteed waxaa muhiima in schooladu ardaydooda u qorsheeyaan inay socdaalo gaagaban ugu baxaan soo booqashada museum ka sida kan hargeysa (Saryan Museum) oo ay waxbadan ka kororsan karaan.
Maa kuma Museumka aduunka ugu da weyn ?
Capitoline Museums ayaa ah museumka ugu daweyn aduunka
Museumkii ugu horeeyey ee aduunka waxaa laga furey Europe gudaheeda wakhtigii loo yaqaaney Age of Enlightenment :
1- Museo Sacro waxaa laga furey Roma 1756
2- British Museum ayaa la dhisay 1753 kii waxaa dadka loo furey 1759.
Waxaa kale oo Jira Museum yo badan oo Caalamka ku Taxan . Dad badan oo booqasho ku tegey waxay ii sheegeen in ay ka heley Museumka Saryan uu yahayna mid casri ah lana tartami kara ugu wadamada hore uga maray dhinaca dhaqaalaha. Aniga laftigeygu waxaa aan ka mid ahay dadka booqashada ku tegey Museumka waxaana isoo jiitey qaabka uu u qalabeysan yahay iyo macluumaadka dhexyaala museumkan casriga ah. Waxaanse tabayey kaalintii Somalilanderka ee Madxafka oo aan halkaa ka muuqan hadii ay tahay dawlada Somaliland ganacsatada,iyo hayadaha waxbarshada,dalxiiska,warfaafinta iyo dhaqanka oo iyagu waxbadan ka faa’iidilahaa madxafkan Saryan Museum hadii ay taageeri lahaayeen.
Anigu shaqsi ahaan waan ka soo sheqeeyey museum waaweyn Sida Science Museum, A&V and AF Sidaa awgeed waan fahmi karaa kaalinta weyn ee museum yadu kaga jiraan fahanka iyo taariikhda umadaha iyo waliba horumarka dhinaca dhaqaalaha iyo dalxiiska wadamada.
halkan hoose ka eeg wakhtiyada aad booqan kartid museumkan saryan oo uu furan yahay sida aan ka soo xigtey museumka site kiisa.
Recommended duration2 hoursHours
|Sunday||08 – 12|
|Tuesday||08 – 12|
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Near Wasaaradda Shaqada iyo Arrimaha Bulshada,
Shacabka Near Abaarso Tech University,
Waxaa diyaariyey maqaalkan kooban :
M J Farah BA, BEng, level 6 dip FM and Level 7 Dip M&L
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Dawlada uu hogaamiyo Farmaajo oo caalamka looga yaqaano Dal Fashilmey sida inta badan wedhaha inta badan lagu xardho tilmanta dawlada Somaliya oo ay ka mid yihiin :
the world’s most failed states.
While Mr Trump said that Somalia has no laws, no police and no government.
Hadaba dawlad iyadiiba faashil ah oo cidna u taline sidee ay uga hadlikartaa dal madax banaan oo ay midoobeen si xora una kala noqdeen si xor ah tani waxay muujinaysaa dhacdhaca dawlada Farmaajo oo khasab iyo jujuub dhinaca xirarada caalamiga ah ku ilduufinaysa caalamka siyaasada budhcad qarameedka ah ee dawlada fashilka ah ee Somaliya waa mid geeska ka hurin karta xasilooni daro iyo nabad daro ku dhisan fikirka qaldan ee Farmaajo hadii uu Farmaajo rabo wanaag wuxuu furi lahaa wadahadalo Somaliya iyo Somaliland ah balse kolba geed iskuma qaadeen oo ma yidhaahdeen wax aan loo fadhiyin iyo Somaliland hala cuno qabateeyo.
Halkan hoose kaga bogo jawaabaha diblomaasiyadeed ee ay is dhaafsadeen dawlada Somaliland iyo Dawlada Fashilka ah ee Somaliya
Dalka Jamhuuriyada Somaliland iyo dalka Kenya waxa ay wadaagaan arimo badan oo taariikhi ah labada dal waxaay ka mid ahaayeen dalalkii Afrika ee Boqortooyada Engiriisku soo gumeysatey waxaana ay lahayeen gumeystaha ka hore xidhiidh ganacsi iyo mid wax wada qabsi dad badan oo reer Somaliland ah ayaa wakhtiyo kore degey wadanka Kenya.
Kenya oo ah wadan Dimoqraadi ah oo dhinaca waxbarashada, caafimaadka iyo dhaqaalahaba ka mid ah dalalka Afrika kuwa ugu horeeya dhinaca kana goboladiisa ay ka mid yihiin gobolo somaliyeed waxaa uu noqon karaa wadan waxtar weyn u yeesha guud ahaan Somalida waayo waa wadankii martigeliyey boqolaal kun oo qof oo Somaliya burburkii Somaliya waana wadankii lagu soo dhisay Dawlada Federalka ee Somaliya. Waa wadan mudan in lagu ixtiraamo sidii uu isku barbartaagey Somalidii Konfureed.
Hadana Waxaa muuqata inuu Somalilandna Wakhtigan uu rabo inuu sii xoojiyo walaalnimadii umada Somaliland iyo Kenya.
Siyaasad xumada iyo abuurista cadaawada ee dawlada fashilantey ee federalka Somaliya ee uu haadaanta ka tuurayo Mudane Farmaajo iyo kuwa la fikirka ahi waa mid tusaale u ah dub u dhaca aragtiyeed ee Farmaajo iyo la taliyaashiisa oo ah kuwii adeerkii Maxamed Siyaad Bare Jarka ka tuuray talada qaldana siin jirey ayuu isku xeeray taasina waa tan keentey inuu kolba gidaar isku qaado oo taladiisu uun noqoto aargoosi iyo kelitalisnimo kaas oo ay istustey inuu 21 sano iyo in kabanba uu Somaliya u talindoono riyooyinkaasi waa kuwa uu kolba dal umadiisa korumarkeeda ka shaqeenaya uu iskugu qaadayo sida Kenya.
Caalamku waa ka dheregsan yahay oo war kuma seegna Vila Somalia iyo Farmaajo dhibta ay ku hayaan umada Somaliyeed guud ahaan gaar ahaa reer Muqdisho.
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Somaliland iyo Jabuuti waa laba dal oo ay ka dhaxayso midnimo iyo isku dhawaansho taariikhi ah oo aan cidina dafiri karin, mana aha kuwo la kala qaadi karo marka laga eego xidhiidhka walaalnimo,derisnimo, iyo dhaqanimo tani waa mid ay ogyihiin dadka caadiga ahi.
Jabuuti iyo Somaliland uma arko in uu ka dhexeeyo dagaal dhinaca dhaqaalaha ah taas macnaheedu waxaa uu yahay faa’iidada iyo horumarka dhinaca dhaqaalaha ah ee mid u soo kordha dalka kalana wuuu ka faa’iidayaa waayo waxaa jira iskaashi iyo isku dheelitir ku imanaya wax wada qabsi iyo istaageerid dhinaca dhaqaalaha ah. Waa jiri karaa ama waabu jiraa taratan dhinaca suuqyada ah oo u dhexeen kara labada dal balse hadii labada dalba hagaajiyaan barnaamujyadooda dhaqaale iyo mashaariicda horumarineyd yeeshaana iskaasha iyo wada shaqayn balaadhan oo ku aadan dhinacyada dhaqaalaha.nabadgelyada,dalxiiska iyo tiknoolajiyada casriga ah waxay bulshooyinkooda u abuurikaraan shaqooyin iyo nolol ka wanaagsan tan maanta.
Hadaba Xukuumada labada dal waxaa looga baahan yahay in ay kawada shaqeeyaan horumarinta xidhiidhka labada dal ee walaalaha ah, waana ay dawlada Jabuuti waxaa looga baahan yahay in ay wadashaqayn fiican la yeelato dawlada Somaliland weliba ay taageerto horumarka ka Socda daafaha Somaliland sida kor uqaadida iyo balaadhinta dekeda Berbera oo guul u ah dhamaan dadka afka Somalilga ku hadla oo dhan waayo wixii Somaliland horumar u soo kordha waa mid Somali guud ahaan u soo kordhey
sida ay u fikirayaan dadka aan khibrada u lahayn cilmiga dhaqaalaha waxay is odhan karaan Berberi waxay dhibaato ku tahay Dooraale balse labda dekedoodba waa kuwo iskaashanaya oo haysta suuqyo ku filan oo qaarada Afrika,Bariga dhexe iyo xitaa bariga fog adeegsanayaan oo la filayo in xitaa loo baahan doono dakada cusub oo hawlahaasi fududeeya waayo labda dekedoodba waa ku haysta suuq balaadhan.
Looma baahna arimo salka ku haya xasad,shaki iyo aragti aan cilmi ku dhisneyn oo Berbera horumarkeeda lagu durayo horumarka Somaliland waa horumarka Jabuuti horumarka Jabuutina waa horumarka Somaliland
Somaliland iyo Jabuuti xidhiidhkoodu waa mid ku dhisan walaalnimo iyo iskaashi ku dhisan is qadarin iyo wax wadaqabsi kaas oo aaney siyaasiintu waxba ka bedeli karin si kasta oo ay u leexiyaan danaha dadka walaalaha ah.
Waxaa la gudboon siyaasiinta sii xoojinta xidhiidhka labada dal ee walaalaha ah.
The expansion of the Berbera Port of Somaliland is set to go a notch higher with the expected arrival of eight rubber-tyred gantry (RTG) cranes.
This after the Liebherr Container Cranes signed a contract to supply the cranes for DP World’s terminal in Berbera.
The high performance, variable speed diesel RTGs are due to be ready for operation before the end of this year and are six containers plus a truck lane wide, able to stack one over five containers high.
Supplied with DGPS auto-steering and stack profiling, the machines also incorporates Liebherr’s unique eight rope reeving no-sway-system, Liebherr drive systems and simultaneous drive motion.
Gantry cameras, as well as a laser anti-collision system, have been utilised with the aim to bring safety enhancements to operations.
The machines were designed using European components specified for maximum loading conditions, significantly enhancing component life.
Remote maintenance and Liebherr’s custom diagnostics and maintenance software, DiaMon3D, lower maintenance costs.
The variable speed diesel engine also helps to reduce running costs and, according to Liebherr, will significantly reduce emissions.
DP World Berbera already operates three Liebherr LHM 420 mobile harbour cranes, which went into service in early 2019.
The new cranes are part of a phased expansion of the port, with phase one including a new 400 m quay and a 250,000 sq m yard extension.
DP World is committed to building the Somaliland Port of Berbera to a world-class facility.
This is part of the infrastructural developments the DP world says it is involved in as part of its mission to turn around the horn of Africa country.
Federico Banos-Linder, Vice President External Relations, DP World, the company that has invested USD 442 million to rebuild the Port of Berbera said once the port is done, Somaliland will be one of the biggest players in the maritime industry in the Horn of Africa.
“Already with phase one of the three phases done, we have increased the container capacity by 50 per cent and pushed volumes by 70 per cent which is a massive improvement.
BY ODINDO AYIEKO
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By Farouk Chothia
“War makes for bitter men. Heartless and savage men,” Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said when he received the Nobel Peace Prize less than a year ago – only for him to now wage a military operation in his own country.
Over about a three-week period, his troops fought their way through Tigray, right up in the north of Ethiopia, to oust the region’s ruling party, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), accusing it of attacking a federal military base.
A former guerrilla movement which first rose to power in 1991, Tigray was the last political bastion of the TPLF after it lost control of the federal government to Mr Abiy in 2018.
Mr Abiy became prime minister with popular support, introducing sweeping reforms to end the repression and corruption that Ethiopia had seen when the TPLF dominated the national political scene for more than 25 years.
Police warn Nobel laureate’s nominee
Believing that it was the patriotic duty of all Ethiopians to rally behind their prime minister’s 4 November call to oust the “junta” from its remaining stronghold after its dramatic military manoeuvre, federal officials tolerated little criticism of their “law and enforcement operation”, targeting even the UK-based academic who was among those who nominated Mr Abiy for the Nobel prize.
A senior law lecturer at England’s Keele University, Awol Allo said he learned through reports on Ethiopia’s state broadcaster that police had accused him of “using international media to destroy the country” – a reference to the columns he writes and the interviews he grants to the likes of Al Jazeera and the BBC.
“At this point I am not aware of an arrest warrant, but going back to Ethiopia will carry a significant risk,” Mr Awol told the BBC.
“There is no distinction between Abiy’s regime and the previous regime as far as their treatment of dissent and opposition is concerned. It is classic Ethiopia – where the legal system is used as an instrument to discredit and silence opponents of the regime and individuals who hold critical views.”
The Geneva-based head of the World Health Organization, Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, was not spared either.
Having previously served in the TPLF-led government, he was accused by Mr Abiy’s army chief of trying to procure weapons for the party.
Rejecting the allegation, Dr Tedros said: “My heart breaks for my home, Ethiopia, and I call on all parties to work for peace and to ensure the safety of civilians and access for health and humanitarian assistance.”
Defending the government, Menychle Meseret, an academic at Ethiopia’s University of Gondar, said only those suspected to have direct or indirect links with the TPLF “oligarchy” were targeted.
“Since Mr Abiy became prime minister, 264 websites have been unblocked. So what has happened now is not an overall reflection of the state of democracy in Ethiopia. There was a threat to the country. The TPLF carried out a pre-emptive strike on the Northern Command of the military – no country can tolerate that,” he said.
Mr Awol said the issue was not who fired the first shot, but the fact that Mr Abiy had rebuffed calls for mediation, including from the African Union (AU) that is headquartered in his own country.
“What you need is a government that rules with far more patience, tolerance, and gives peace and mediation a chance. Instead, both were preparing for war.
“Abiy removed the TPLF from the cabinet [in 2019]. He then postponed elections. The TPLF then went ahead with an election in Tigray. They said they don’t recognise him [as prime minister]. He said he doesn’t recognise them, and that is what led to the war,” Mr Awol said.
The government says the nationwide elections were postponed because of coronavirus restrictions, although Mr Abiy’s critics accuse him of using it as an excuse to illegally extend his time in power, while neither he nor his new party had faced the electorate.https://emp.bbc.co.uk/emp/SMPj/2.36.6/iframe.htmlmedia captionThe BBC’s Anne Soy reports from a refugee camp on the Sudan-Ethiopian border
For former Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, foreign mediation was out of the question as it tended to lead to “peace deals that often crumble as soon as they have been signed”, while “rogue actors are rewarded for instigating violence” rather than facing justice.
But for Mr Abiy’s critics, there is little justice in Ethiopia – only repression.
“Back in July there were about 10,000 people in prison. And the number is probably even higher now because of the war in Tigray,” Mr Awol said.
Expressing a similar view, United States Institute for Peace senior adviser Payton Knopf said: “The political space has closed again. Every prominent opposition figure is in jail, and Lemma Megersa – who was instrumental in Mr Abiy becoming prime minister in 2018 – is under house arrest.”
Offering a different perspective, Mr Menychle said that Mr Abiy had ended authoritarian rule.
“He unbanned political parties. He improved the prison system. He allowed people to return from exile. The problem was that some of the politicians began to fuel violence because of their ethnocentric agenda.
“At one rally, a young man was killed and hung on a stick. You can’t have that. In 2018, there were about 1.8 million internally displaced people, the highest in Africa. This was endangering the country,” Mr Menychle said.
Abiy – the new emperor?
He added that at the heart of the myriad conflicts was the “ethnic federalism” that the TPLF had introduced when it took power in 1991 by creating regions along ethnic lines.
“Ethnic federalism has been the source of our misery. It has made ethnic groups believe that they have their own areas, and if you come from a different ethnic group you can’t live there. You are chased out, burnt, killed,” Mr Menychle said.
For Mr Abiy’s critics, the abolition of ethnic federalism would herald a return to the time of “imperial rule”, when emperors – from Menelik II to Haile Selaisse – forced other communities to “assimilate” into their Amhara culture, though many Amharas deny they did this.
“Mr Abiy’s vision looks more and more like that of Ethiopia’s traditional power structure, which revolves around Amharas and highly assimilated Oromos like himself,” said Faisal Roble from the US-based Institute for Horn of Africa Studies and Affairs.
“He praises Menelik II. He rebuilt his palace. He says he wants to make Ethiopia great again. But the Ethiopia that he romanticises is the one marginalised ethnic groups hate. The emperor he considers a great hero, others consider as their enslaver and conqueror,” Mr Faisal added.
‘Let’s stop the massacres’
These fears, Mr Faisal argued, were compounded by Mr Abiy’s decision to form the Prosperity Party (PP) last year, which replaced the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) – a coalition of four ethnically-based parties – that had governed the country since 1991, and had put him in office in 2018.
He said that previously the EPRDF only governed four of Ethiopia’s 10 regions. By creating a new party, Mr Abiy extended control over the whole country – except Tigray. “With this war, he has now also taken control of it [Tigray],” Mr Faisal added.
“What people were expecting from Abiy when he took office was the opposite – political pluralism, and greater recognition of the cultural and linguistic rights of the nations and nationalities that make up Ethiopia. But he prefers a unitary system of government, not a federal system.”
Members of the Amhara militia ride in the back of a pick up truck, in Mai Kadra, Ethiopia, on November 21, 2020. Amharas and Tigrayans were uneasy neighbours before the current fighting. Photo by Eduardo Soteras/AFP via Getty Images
I grew up in Ethiopia during the days of the military government. For years before its overthrow in 1991, the national army was locked in a protracted war against rebel movements in the north. It was common in those days to hear state media reporting the capture or recapture of towns from rebel forces. The parading of prisoners of war made daily headlines.
However, you would hear a completely different story if you had the courage to tune in to rebel broadcasts, which were banned, or foreign radio. I remember my father making sure that the door and windows of our house were securely closed before tuning into Voice of America Amharic.
Thirty years later, Ethiopians faced another bout of internal armed conflict in the north and found themselves again glued to radio and television not to miss the news about advancing and retreating armed forces. And it’s just as hard to verify reports since telephone and internet links to Tigray have been cut and access tightly controlled since the fighting began on November.
The federal government launched a military offensive against the regional government of the state of Tigray in retaliation for its attack on the Northern Command of the federal army stationed in the capital of the state government. Since then, the conflict has escalated markedly.
While the Ethiopian federal government controls the federal police and the national army, the Constitution allows each of the country’s 10 states to deploy its own police force to enforce their laws. In addition, some of the states have heavily armed special forces.
Though the conflict appeared to have begun abruptly, the drums of war were beating for almost two years. The seeds of the current conflict were sown even earlier when public unrest erupted against the government, in power for almost 27 years, five years ago .
The protests eventually led to political realignment within the ruling Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front, a coalition of four ethnic based parties. The end result was the dislodging of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front as the dominant member of the coalition and the election of Abiy Ahmed as prime minister in April 2018.
Outwardly, the political configurations seemed to have taken place smoothly. But it did not take long before cracks within the ruling party started to emerge. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front, whose leaders retreated to their stronghold state of Tigray, complained of ethnic marginalisation and economic sabotage.
Had the national government and Tigray state government attempted to engage in intergovernmental dialogue, things might have turned out differently.
Elections and COVID-19
On March 31, Ethiopia’s National Electoral Board announced that, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, national elections would not be held as scheduled. The decision gave rise to a constitutional conundrum. The Constitution, it appears, has no definitive answer regarding the fate of an incumbent whose term comes to an end before an election is held in the country.
Therefore, the national parliament sought advice from the House of Federation. This second chamber of the Ethiopian federal parliament ruled in favour of extending the term of the office of the incumbent administration until the next elections are held.
But not everyone supported the decision of the government to seek guidance from the House of Federation. Nor with the decision that was rendered by the House. The state government of Tigray and a number of other opposition parties deemed the move as illegitimate control of power. They called for a national dialogue that should lead to the establishment of a transitional government.
Tigray took its opposition further by establishing its own electoral board and holding an election. After carrying out its election, Tigray declared the federal government illegitimate and withdrew its members of the federal parliament.
Some aspects of the decision of the House are arguably problematic. These include its decision to extend the term of office of state councils and executives. Unlike other federal constitutions, the Ethiopian constitution is largely silent about the organisation and functioning of state governments. That is left to state constitutions. This suggests that any decision regarding state governments and state parliaments must be based primarily on state constitutions.
Yet, irrespective of the merits of the decision, the House body has the power to interpret the constitution and must be respected as such. For this reason, Tigray attack on the federal government as illegitimate was constitutionally problematic. The bodies that have the ultimate power to interpret the constitution have allowed the federal government to stay in power until the next elections are held.
The intergovernmental tension was further exacerbated when the House of Federation suspended the transfer of funds to Tigray state government. It elected to work directly with local governments in Tigray, bypassing the state government. Tigray reacted by making public its intention to withhold all federal taxes collected in the state.
One would have hoped that Addis Ababa would first see out the full implementation of the use of the power of the purse to resolve the tension. But instead the country was plunged into a military conflict to resolve intergovernmental disputes.
The Constitution allows the federal government to intervene in state governments. This ranges from giving directives on matters that are normally left to state government to removing a state government and assuming its responsibilities.
Although a constitutionally valid option – and more tempting once Tigray attacked the Northern Command – it was a politically unwise move that is fraught with disastrous consequences. A federal intervention in Ethiopia is not what we see in other federal countries, given that some of the state governments command a heavily armed force in the form of a special police force.
The state of Tigray is reported to have 250,000 strong well-armed militia and special force. A federal intervention that happens under this context unavoidably becomes an armed conflict, if not a civil war.
That is why the claim of the current administration that it is pursuing a law enforcement operation falls flat in the face of reports of the rocket missiles and air bombardments dominating the news about the conflict.
The actions and reactions of both governments reveal the limits of the law and violence to dampen intergovernmental tensions. What is striking (and tragically so) is that there has not been a single report of both governments sitting behind closed doors and engaging in intergovernmental dialogue. This is despite a number of attempts by a group of elders.
Instead, matters were allowed to fester through demonstrations, press releases and wars of words that only served to deepen the rift among communities.
The state government of Tigray expressed its willingness to engage in a dialogue. But, it said it was not interested in a bilateral dialogue that aimed at resolving the conflict between the two governments. It insisted that the dialogue should include all opposition parties and other stakeholders.
It was expected that Abiy could only see this as a call to gang up against his administration and oust him from office, making the demand a non-starter. On the other hand, his government has rejected efforts by international powers to halt the deadly fighting as interference in internal matters. This is an odd argument coming from a prime minister eager to play peacemaker in neighbouring countries.
Perhaps, what was – and still is – needed is a negotiation that aims at de-escalating the conflict between the two governments. The rest can wait for another day. The country cannot afford the continuation of the conflict that has already cost thousands of lives, created enabling environment for massive human rights violations, further deepened communal divisions and made the continued existence of the country more precarious than ever.
A version of this article was first published in Verfassungsblog.
Yonatan T. Fessha Professor, University of the Western Cape
By Stefania Giannini, Assistant-Director General for Education at UNESCO The arrival of COVID-19 has driven wedges of inequalities to breaking point in all corners of the earth. Already, before the arrival of the pandemic, Latin America and the Caribbean was the most unequal region in the world. And if there have been recent gains in […]Recovery packages ignoring the disadvantaged won’t hold ground — World Education Blog
Relations in the Horn of Africa are complex and complicated. They are characterised by deeply ingrained rivalries between Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia in a conflict-ridden region. For decades, it has been known for civil war, conflict, and poor economic development.
Somalia is a textbook example for state collapse and the most fragile state in the world. During the 1990s, the state had disintegrated to a degree that the basic conditions and responsibilities of its government no longer functioned properly.
Eritrea and Ethiopia were at war for years. Ethiopia and Somalia also share a history of violent confrontation. One example of that ongoing conflict is the struggle to control the Ogaden region.
But when Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed made his historic visit to Eritrea in 2018, the state of conflict between the two countries came to an end. Abiy Ahmed was later awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts.
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And then on January 27, 2020 the leaders of Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia – President Isaias Afwerki, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo, held their third trilateral meeting. They proposed to form a new regional bloc, which has been referred to as the “Horn of Africa Cooperation”.
This new bloc would be an addition to their memberships in the African Union, the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, Eastern Africa Standby Force as well as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development.
The new bloc bears the risk of alienating the other countries in the East African region. It might also undermine the security efforts of other regional organisations. These include the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the African Union, and the Eastern Africa Standby Force.
Thus, the promises and pitfalls of this new bloc could shape the regional architecture and cause new political challenges in the region.
In our recently published paper on the proposed bloc, we assess the factors that led to the proposal for a new regional bloc in the Horn of Africa. We discuss the potential outcomes given the complex security challenges, political tensions among the neighbours, and institutional environment in the region. We argue that security challenges in the Horn of Africa and domestic concerns are core motivations for creating the cooperation.
Why a new regional bloc?
Regional cooperation addresses a number of key issues including cross-border trade, and sustainable environment. It is also key to tackling peace and security threats.
A regional body dedicated to peace and security issues could help to address conflicts between the three states in the proposed of Horn of Africa Cooperation. It could also help them manage domestic security threats.
From an economic perspective, it is not clear how the three states could strengthen their economic ties. This is because a significant amount of trade in the region is small scale, local, informal, and sometimes illegal. In terms of trade, there is limited complementarity between the three states.
As the most advanced country in the bloc, landlocked Ethiopia has an interest to strengthen transportation links and access to the sea. This would be a pathway to the world market.
When it comes to Somalia, the country has neither a reliable economic base to export goods nor the financial resources to import them. In the case of Eritrea and Ethiopia, the recently concluded conflict between the two countries means that economic ties have to be re-established.
Nevertheless, closer cooperation in the Horn of Africa bears the potential to strengthen economic and trade relations between all three states.
The creation of a new regional bloc is also an opportunity for its leaders to show activity and success on the regional stage. Putting the Horn of Africa Cooperation proposal on the table could deflect from domestic challenges in the three countries, such as Ethiopia’s current political crisis. With national elections in Ethiopia and Somalia approaching, Ahmed and Farmajo need to gain support for re-election.
In Eritrea, the authoritarian ruler Afwerki has reportedly pushed for the creation of the Horn of Africa regional bloc presumably as an opportunity to boost Eritrea’s reputation regionally. It is also a chance to sideline the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, which he has boycotted for several years due to its stance on basic principles of good governance and the influence of Kenya.
Potential consequences for the region
Once established, the Horn of Africa Cooperation would become a direct competitor of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, which is comprised of Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan and Uganda. Its efforts to manage conflicts in Somalia, Sudan and South Sudan have been fairly successful in recent years.
However, it lacks an economic integration perspective. It also suffers from ineffective governance structures and insufficient resources. The Horn of Africa Cooperation proposal could be an attempt to push for reform within the organisation.
But the new regional bloc will have a hard time building a reputation vis-a-vis the authority. The Horn of Africa Cooperation could also affect the East Africa Standby Force’s and more importantly the African Union’s security efforts in the region through the African Peace and Security Architecture.
The cooperation also stands to alienate regional partners who face the potential loss of strategic influence in the region. In fact, initial reactions from Kenya and Djibouti were frosty. Djibouti is a direct neighbour of all three states – and a potential candidate to join the new bloc.
Yet, Djibouti is home to the Intergovernmental Authority on Development. It also hosts the US Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa. Moreover, the Addis Ababa–Djibouti Railway is currently Ethiopia’s only access to the sea and Ethiopian business generates significant revenue for Djibouti’s ports. Therefore, transport links through Eritrea or Somalia could undermine Djibouti’s position as an economic and logistical hub.
For regional powerhouse Kenya, closer cooperation between the three neighbours could result in diminished influence in the region. As the dominating actor in the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, Kenya’s influence in the Horn would be affected by a competing Horn of Africa Cooperation.
Additionally, Kenya’s transport-link project with Ethiopia and South Sudan could be threatened by the new cooperation. Therefore, it’s no surprise that the Horn of Africa Cooperation has been branded “anti-IGAD”.
September 8, 2020 4.03pm BS