Waxaa ugu horeynba aan qabaa in khaladka ay lee yihiin xildhibaanada golayaasha ee iyaga oo aan nidaamka dawliga ah marin si iskooda iskaga tagaya qusilad,waayo xildhibaanka ama masuulka sare ee qaran markuu safaaradaha ama qusiladaha arin uga baahdo waa in uu kala xidhiidhaa haydaha qaranka ee shaqada ku leh,si ay nidaamka dawliga ah u mariyaan codsiga masuulkaasi. Hadii se uu igagu sida dadka caadiga ah iska tago safaarada,oo uu safka dadka caadiga ah galo dee isaga ayaa meel qaldan maray markaa sida dadka caadiga ah baa loola dhaqmayaa.
Wasaarada arimaha debeda ee dalkasta oo aduunka ka mid ahi shaqada ugu mihiimsan ee ay qabataa waa difaaca danaha qarankeeda,waana isku xidhaha qarankaasi iyo qaramada kale ama haydaha caalamiga ah,ee dhinacyada,siyaasada,dhaqaalaha,iyo xidhiidhka caalamigaha.
The most important function of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the contemporary International system is to assist in formulating the nation’s foreign policy that will accommodate domestic policy content and use such policy to engage other nations through their foreign missions and other channels, with a view to realize her national interest- advancing their social, economic, cultural and political aspirations that will have positive impact on the nation’s citizens well-being.
Hadaba golaha wakiiladu Somaliland waxay ku ceebeesan yihiin arintan ay ka cabanayaan. Halkaas waxaa aad ka garan gartaa in aaney xitaa fahansaneed qaabka loola macaamilo wakiilada dalalka kale ee wadanka jooga (Ergada dalalka kale). Waa in wakiilada wax la baraa oo aqoontooda siyaasadeed kor loo qaado,hadii kale ceebtaasi iyo kuwo ka daranbaa aynu maqlidoonaa. Maxay dad wakil ka noqon iyagii baa ambanayee.
Suhuur yare waxay gudbisay fariin Togan oo Siyaasiin badani kari waayeen in ay wadankooda iyo qadiyadiisa gaadhsiiyaan caalamka. Iskaba daa in ay Qadiyada Aqoonsiga Somaliland Caalamka gaadhsiiyaane waxay u xusul duubaan in ay qadiyada Somaliland xabaal ku ridaan.
Suhuur waa u hambalyeynayaa fariinta ay gaadhsiisay Caalamka iyo Madaxdaweynaha Rwanda Paul Kagame Talada uu Madaxweynuhu ka bixiyeyna waa mid muhiim ah oo iftiiminaysa mahmahda Somaliyeed ee tidhaahda NIN AAN HADAL HOOYADII QADISAY!
Mar walba aragtida waxaa laga eegaa dhinaca wanaagsan,balse in la qaadaa dhigo wixii la isla gaadhey ma xuma oo waa fikir ka dhiibasho iyo aragti guud uun.
20/08/18 ayaa lagu qorey Puntland mirror warkan:
Qardho-(Puntland Mirror) Siciid Cawil Caare, oo ahaa sargaal hore oo katirsan ciidamada Somaliland, ayaa bilaabay dhaqdhaqaaq jabhadeed oo ka dhan ah maamulka Somaliland.
Caare ayaa sheegay in Somaliland uu uga soo tagay cadaalad daro iyo dulmi.
“Markii aan ka dhex arki waayay cadaalad, markii aan ka dhex arki waayay dowlad loo simanyahay, markii aan ka dhex arki waayay horumar balaaran oo ummadu u simantahay, waxaan go’aansaday in aan saldhig weydiisto Puntland si aan u suuliyo dulmiga,” ayuu yiri.
Waxaa ku xigey muqqlkan oo 24/11/18 wuu ku sheegay warkan:
Waxaa aan isweydiinaynaa Caare iyo abaabulkiisa ayaa ka dambeyey?
Waxaa ka dambeeyey oo uu ka dhashay tabashadii doorashadii xisbi Wadani ee guuldaradii Cabdiraxman Ciro taas oo aan xisbiga wadani khilaaf ka muujiyey in doorashada lagaga adkaadey taageerayaashii qayb ka mida oo ah jilibkiisa ay qaarkood isku dustey in ay xoog kula wareegaan talada dalka taas oo ay Puntland u direyn ciidan uu hogaaminayo ex.K.CAARE taasi oo ay isku tuseyn talada ay xukunka ku qabsan karaan.Ka dib waxaa ku soo biirey dadkii danaynayey in ay meel ka soo galaan siyaasada dalka,kuwo dhaqaale kaga raadinaya qaranka,kuwo xilal ku gorgortamaya,kuwo aan waxba ka ogeyn oo magaca garxajis uun maqley iyo kuwo kale oo u arkey in ay fursad siyaasadeed tahay oo Somaliland lagu kala qaybin karo.
Cadaad daro ayuu sheegay Caare in uu Somaliland uga tegey hadii ay runtii tahay oo uu cadaalad daro uu Somaliland hubka ugu haatey ma saxbaa in dal dimoqraadi ah oo mar walba doorasho laga qabanqaabiyo in hub iyo xoog afgambi cadaalad u keeni karto caqliga iyo aragtiyaha siyaasadu midna ma ogola isbedel xoog ku yimaadaa cadaalad ma keeno balse waa aas aaska cadaalad darada. Hadaba Care iyo cidii la aas aastey Jahbada waa in la soo bandhigaa oo taariikhda ay galaan,si loo fahmo Caare garanaye yaa ku wahaliya hawsha waxaa jira sida uu Caare ama taageerayaashiisu sheegeen dad dhaqaale hub lagu iibiyey iyo xitaa gaadiid bixiyey dadkaasi lama yaqaan balse dadka reer Somaliland waxay u baahan yihiin iney ogaadaan cida ay yihiin. Waa xil xukuumada saran inay soo bandhigto dhamaan xogta iyo hogaamiyasha Jabhadan hubeysan,Golaha guurtida oo xaga nabada u xilsaaran iyo golaha wakiiladuna qaybaha dawlada iyaga kula xisaabtamaan (hold them accountable ). Cafiska iyo Saamaxaadu waxay timaataa marka la og yahay dhibaatada,cida gashay inta ay leeg tahay si cafisku u noqdo mid marey dariiqii saxa ahaa,oo la fahmey waxa dhib dhacdey iyo cida dusha ku qaadatey ee laga saamaxayo.Dawlada Somaliland waxaa la gudboon in ay gudi gaara u saarto xhashiiskaasi Caare ,Garxajis,Muuse iyo Somaliland gudigan oo qiimeyn iyo darsid ku sameynaysa dhibaatooyinka,xalka,iyo waafajista shuruucda qaranka si si cad loo ogaado natiijada heshiiska.In hashiis lagu dhameeyaa dhibkastaba waa arin wanaagsan balse waa in arin walba salka ku haysaa isxisaabin iyo hayn xogta si cida heshiiska ka hortimaada loogu xukumo dhamaan,wakhtigii,iyo dhaqaalihii ku baxay heshiiska waayo qaranka wakhtigaa iyo dhaqaalaha ku baxa fadhi kasta waa mid lagu qaban lahaa shaqo kale oo qaranka wax tar u leh.
Maanta waxaa aan u qaatay mawduucan kor ku xusan,markaa aan in badan dersaayey hab dhaqanka qaar badan oo ka mida siyaasiinta reer Somaliland,guud ahaan sida ay hagardaamada ugu hayaan horumarka dadkooda iyo dalkooda,iyaga oo inta badani dantiisa gaarka ah ka horumarinaya waxwalba arintaasi waxay igu dhalisay in aan si guud uga hadlo siyaasiga iyo shaqadiisa tilmaamo dhaliilaha jira dadka Somaliland u bayaamiyo dantoodu waxa ay ku jirto.
- Ugu horeyn waxaa aan rabaa in aynu qeexno siyaasi waxaa uu yahay oo ugu horeyn ka jawaabno su’aashan:
- Waa maxay siyaasi?
- Siyaasi waa shaqsi ku firficoon siyaasada xisbi, ama waa shaqsi haya ama doonaya in uu xil ka qabto xafiis dawladeed, Siyaasiintu waxay soo jeediyaan sharciyada,taageeraan oo abuuraan ama kordhinta siyaasadaha xukunka dalka iyo dadkiisa.
- Siyaasi waa shaqsi si xirfad leh ugu lug leh siyaasada,qaas ahaan haya xil xafiis loo doortey.
- Siyaasi waa qof u dhaqma si khiyaano ah iyo hab marin habaabin ah caadiyan inuu horumar ka helo ha’ad.
Qeexida siyaasi kuma koobna 3 dan oo kaliya balse waa ay ka badan yihiin cilmi ahaan sida ay aqoonyahanda cilmiga bulshadu u qeexaan ama u taxliiliyaan,balse nuxurka aan u jeedaa waa in aynu wax ka fahano uun siyaasi waxaa uu yahay.
- Waa maxay Shaqada Siyaasigu?
Marka aynu si kooban u eegno waxaynu ku soo ururin karnaa:
Go,aan qaadasho,sameynta siyaasadaha iyo dastuurka,wadida hawlaha qaran ee loo idmadey,jihaynta iyo qorsheynta sida dhaqaalaha,siyaasada,nabadgelyada iyo arimaha bulshada ee qaranka u hogaamin lahaa jidka guusha.
Laga soo bilaabo xildhibaanada deegaanka ilaa cida markaa haysa xilka madaxtooyada Somaliland siyaasiintu waxay sameeyaan go’aano muhiima sameyn ku leh qaabeynta dhamaan dhinacyada siyaasada,dhaqaalaha,arimaha bulshada,nabadgelyada iwm nolosha dadka reer Somaliland.
Waxaa aan filayaa in intaasi inaga filan tahay fahanka guud ee siyaasiga,imika hadii aan u soo noqdo ujeedada qoraalkaygan gaaban.
Maxaa aan u doortey ciwaanka ah SIYAASIINTYADU TIRO BADANAA OO TAYO XUMAA!
- Siyaasadu waa waxqabad wadareed dhexyaala kooxo
Tusaale Somaliland waxay leedahay 3 xisbi siyaasadeed qaran sida ku cad dastuurka iyo shirciyada asxaabta sidaa darteed siyaasada Somaliland waxay isku keenaysaa oo si wadar ah uga dhexeysaa seddexdaas xusbi,waanay dhaxtaalaa wax qabadkeeda, tusaale ahaan golaha wakiilada Somaliland waxay ka soo baxeen mid ka mida asxaabta saddexda ah,uun.Marka uu shaqsigu noqdo xubin bar barlamaan wuxuu wakil ka yahay siyaasada qaranka.
Markaa hadii aynu tusaale u soo qaadano dhibatada Ceel-afweyn cida ugu horeysa ee laga rabo in ay faragelisaa waa:
- Wakiilada heer degaan iyo kuwa heer qaran ee degaankaas laga soo doortey,iyaga oo baadhaya kormeeraya ururinaya xogta laga diyaariyey ee haydaha nabadgelyada degaanku (degmada Ceel-Afweyn) hayaan.
- In qiimeeyaan xaalada guud ee degmaanta
- In ay soo saaraan go’aano iyo talooyin ku saabsan dhibaatooyinka gobolkaasi iyo taloyinka lagu xalilayo.
Taas bedelkeeda waxaa aad moodaa in aaney warba ka hayn ama aan bad an ka lahay siyaasiinta degaankaasi wax aka socda degaankooda,oo ay u arkaan in cid kale xilkaasi saran yahay.
Waxaa iyaguna talada tu la mida saareyd in ay qaataan waa Gudoomiyasha iyo golaha degmada ee saddexda xisbi qaran saaxada kamaba muuqdaan oo maba arkeysid xisbiyo firfircoon oo degaanka ceel afweyn oo ka hadlaya dhibaatadaasi.
Xitaa Siyaasiinta heer qaran ee saddexda xisbi kama muuqdaan in ay qayb ka galaan deminta Xasarada Ceel-Afweyn. Waxaaney Madaxdoodu inoo sheegayaan in dhibaatada Ceel-Afweyn tahay mid weyn waxaad moodaa markey Media yah aka hadlayaan kuwo raadinaya cidii dhibkan xalin lahayd oo kol dawlada ayey ku riixayaan kol cid kale ayey farta ku fiicayaan, ogow waa xilkooda waxan ay doondoonayaan cidii qaban lahayd.Arimahaasi oo dhami waa qayb ka mida tayo xumida iyo tiro badnida Siyaasiinta Somaliland.
Dhibaatada Somaliland maanta haysataa waa Siyaasinta oo aan lahayn aragti fog,iyaga oo doonaya madaxtanimo kursi oo kaliya balse aan rabin in ay isbedel keenan lagu horumarinayo siyaasada dhaqaalaha iyo nolosha bulshada,taas bedelkeeda waa kuwo u soo xoogsi tegey dal aanad moodeynin dalkoodii.
Somaliland ahaan siyaasiidta Somaliland ee ku jira siyaasada hadii aynu tirino kama yara ilaa 1000 oo qof hadii aaney ka badneyn Sida:
Tirada golaha Guurtida iyo golaha wakiilada
Golaha Wasiirada iyo Safiirada
,Xisbiga kulmiye,Wadani iyo UCID
Qiyaastaa intaas oo shaqsi iyo kuwo kale oo siyaasada hawlgab ka noqday waxaa ay yihiin kuwo la rabay in Somaliland cusub u fikiraan oo ay dhisaan,dal barwaaqo ah oo ka mida kuwa caalamka ugu dhaqaale iyo nololba fiican.Hadii la helilahaa siyaasiin dhexda u xidha dhismaha dhaqaale iyo siyaasadeed bulsho mudo yar ayaa Somaliland ku noqon lahayd mid isku filan,oo dadkeedu noqdaan kuwo ku raaxaysta nicmada Alle (swt) Dhigay dhulkooda ee ay ka qaawan yihiin.Arinta kale ee xusida mudani waxay tahay siyaasinta tirade badani ee tayada lahayni ma kala garataan arimaha danta guud ( public interest) iyo waxaaney dani ugu jirin qaranka,waxaad arkeysaa in badan siyaasiintaasi oo iyagu aan la gabaneynin iney aragti ahaan lidi ku yihiin nabadgelyada qaranka,sidaa qof siyaasiya oo aan rabin jiritaanka Somaliland uu hadana mushar uga qaataa maalka qaranka,waa arimaha la yaabka leh ee aad ka heleysid Somaliland siyaasiintooda.
La soco …………………
The annual U.N. General Assembly is an orgy of symbolism. Who meets whom on the sidelines? Who tried but failed to secure a meeting with the U.S. president? Who walks out of whose speech? Whom do security officers intercept when they try to exceed the permissions of their visa?
But there’s a second chapter to the diplomatic saga: Who continues on to Washington? What they do there matters. Some go to the White House, others to Congress, and still others hold meetings with their respective diasporas.
President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, or Farmajo as he is known to his Somali constituents, visited Washington, D.C., to formally open the Somali embassy. Farmajo was once the State Department’s great hope for Somalia. Long a refugee in the United States, he acquired American citizenship and even worked in various local government posts in Buffalo, New York, before returning to Somalia to become president.
The State Department sent Donald Yamamoto, one of its highest ranking Africanists, to head the U.S. mission in Mogadishu. Yamamoto, in turn, promised Somalia almost a billion dollars in aid, although that number has shrunk considerably because of Farmajo’s ineffectiveness against (if not participation in) endemic corruption and a host of unanswered questions about his governance and priorities.
U.S. priorities in the Horn of Africa are promoting peace and stability, countering terrorism, and preventing Chinese inroads. On the latter two counts, Farmajo has already become a liability. He has sold Somali waters to Chinese interests, for example, undercutting Somali fishing and aiding a revival of piracy. In recent months, he has appeared to endorse terrorism as a policy tool against neighboring states.
His visit to Washington should now end any question about whether the Farmajo regime deserves U.S. support.
Less than six months ago, the revelation that an Uber and Lyft driver in the Washington, D.C., area was a confirmed war criminal made international headlines. At the time, numerous Somalis testified that the driver, Yusuf Abdi Ali (better known as Colonel Tukeh), had directed torture and gruesome executions of prisoners during the 1980s.
In one case, he had tied prisoners to a tree, doused them with oil, and lit them on fire. In another case, he tied a prisoner to a military vehicle and dragged him to his death. The cases were well documented, and so when Abdi Ali was found living in Canada, the Canadian government deported him. He later entered the U.S. and found work as an airport screener until he was recognized. Ultimately, after a long legal battle, the Federal Court in Alexandria, Virginia, found Abdi Ali guilty and fined him $500,000 in the case of Farhan Tani Warfaa, a Somali whom Abdi Ali had tortured and shot five times while Warfaa was a teenager.
Human rights activists and Somalia watchers were shocked, therefore, not only to see Abdi Ali attending the opening of the new Somali embassy in Washington, but also to pose for pictures with Farmajo. Politicians might get a pass when asked to pose by well-wishers whom they do not know. But in this case, Abdi Ali appeared to be working for Farmajo, setting the security perimeter.
No diplomatic smoke and mirrors can obfuscate Farmajo’s behavior. He is seeking to appeal to the worst elements of his clan rather than promoting reconciliation. In Somaliland especially, where the bulk of former dictator Siad Barre’s genocide against the Isaaq clan occurred, the wounds are still fresh and mass graves still uncovered.
Yamamoto’s strategy has effectively been one of bribery: Flood Mogadishu with aid and allow Farmajo to use it to grease patronage to unite Somalia. The strategy has not worked, however, and instead has worsened corruption, undercut development by distorting salaries, and undermines stability in Somaliland and the southern Jubbaland state, as well as other portions of Somalia that have also seen modest stabilization and success.
Even before Farmajo’s Washington trip, there were ample grounds for the State Department or Congress to review Somalia policy. For a leader such as Farmajo to pose with a war criminal should be grounds for automatic cessation of support. Somalia cannot recover with Farmajo in power. Both Somalis and American taxpayers deserve better.
by Michael Rubin | October 01, 2019
September 26, 2019
Days appear numbered for Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister. Arrogance, vendettas and corruption accusations appear to have taken their toll as Benny Gantz, a former Israeli general, squeaked past Netanyahu’s party in the election.
Progressives rejoiced. “Netanyahu is a corrupt authoritarian who tried to control the media, broke laws, and is left with no play other than lying and lashing out to stay out of prison. Israelis deserve better,” Ben Rhodes, President Obama’s deputy national security adviser, tweeted. Sara Leah Whitson, executive director for the Middle East at Human Rights Watch, celebrated, calling Netanyahu’s apparent defeat, “Hopefully a harbinger for the end of racist extremist rulers the world over!”
Netanyahu may be on his way out, but if his American opponents believe that his successors would pursue different policies, they do not understand Israel’s democracy.
Within Israeli society, Netanyahu resolved two-decades-old debates: First as finance minister and then as prime minister, he closed the door on socialism and set the seeds for Israel to become the “start-up nation.” The Israeli economy boomed, bureaucracy shrank, and almost all Israelis benefited. Many left-of-center Israeli parties dug in their heels and refused to acknowledge the debate’s end. Today, their regressive economic philosophy drags down the Israeli left as much as disputes over peace process posture.
The greater issue, however, is that Israelis consider the debate over security policy closed as well. When I taught Iranian history at Hebrew University in Jerusalem in 2001-2002, attacks interrupted almost every class, as sirens followed by text messages recalled students to hospitals, military bases or forensic units.
Many Israelis recall that period as the nadir of Israeli security. Bombs devastated pizzerias, bars, buses and hotels, killing hundreds of civilians. The West Bank barrier effectively ended the terror campaign. Progressives may conflate it with Donald Trump’s border wall, but there is broad consensus in Israeli society that walls work. Indeed, conservative Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, another lightening rod for the progressive left, might have claimed credit for the wall, but it was actually the idea of Yitzhak Rabin, the left-of-center Israeli prime minister and Nobel laureate who was later assassinated. Neither Israeli left nor right dispute the walls’ success; rather, their main dispute is who gets credit for it.
Israelis, too, are largely of one mind with regard to the futility of the land-for-peace formula. In 2005, Sharon returned the Gaza Strip in its entirety. Palestinians razed the green houses and other economic infrastructure, and transformed Gaza into a launchpad for terrorism, which did more to further cycles of violence than enable peace.
Many Democrats blame Netanyahu for peace process demise after Netanyahu rejected Obama’s 2009 call for a full settlement freeze and hope a new prime minister might reverse course and jumpstart the peace process. This too is naive. Israelis differentiate between isolated outposts and so-called natural growth – adding apartments within existing towns or rooms to existing houses. Many also believe that, since the West Bank is technically disputed rather than occupied, Palestinian construction should likewise be regulated.
The simple reality is that Palestinian rejectionism rather than settlements are the real reason for diplomatic stalemate: First in 2000 and then in 2008, Israeli prime ministers offered the Palestinian Authority independence in exchange for peace. Even Palestinian negotiators acknowledge that Ehud Olmert’s last offer was, in area, more than the entire West Bank. Palestinian leaders rejected both offers without any counteroffer, convincing Israelis that Palestinians simply would accept no peace, no matter how generous. Netanyahu’s departure will not change that.
Netanyahu’s real legacy in U.S.-Israeli ties will be different. Whereas support for Israel was once American consensus, Netanyahu’s arrogance accelerated the progressive tilt away from the Jewish state. Too many transposed hatred of Netanyahu upon Israel. Today, Democrats – especially young ones – are far more hostile to Israel and its partnership with America than their parents or peers across the aisle.
Gantz would never steer Israel away from Netanyahu’s economic or security policies, but he would steer Israel away from Netanyahu. Whether it is too late to reverse the damage the last decade of Netanyahu did in Congress, however, is another question entirely
Writing in the Sunday Telegraph, the Foreign Secretary says that the UK is leading by example as a force for good in the world. Published 23 September 2019 From: Foreign & Commonwealth Office and The Rt Hon Dominic Raab MP Written on: 22 September 2019
This week, I will join the Prime Minister in New York, where he is leading the UK delegation to the United Nations’ annual General Assembly. As we make progress in our Brexit negotiations, we are also taking our vision of a truly Global Britain to the UN – leading by example as a force for good in the world.
The Government is making progress on Brexit negotiations, with the European Commission President, Jean‑Claude Juncker, stating plainly “I think we can have a deal”. Meanwhile, Liz Truss, the Trade Secretary, has been in Tokyo, paving the way for a free-trade deal with Japan and the wider Asia‑Pacific region.
We want to be good European neighbours and buccaneering global free traders. But Global Britain is about more than Brexit or even free trade, important though they are. Under Boris Johnson, we intend to reinforce Britain’s role in the world as a good global citizen – and the UN is a great place to start.
Next year, we will host the UN Climate Change Summit, bringing the world together in Glasgow to demonstrate our leadership on climate change. We’ve got an impressive story to tell. After all, Britain was the first country to legislate to end our contribution to global warming, so that we leave the environment in a better state for the next generation. And our innovative approach to green technologies such as electric vehicles and renewable energy will help lead the way. We want to bring that experience to bear with our international partners – from Brazil to Indonesia – because we know this is a global challenge that demands international action.
In New York, I will speak alongside human rights lawyer and UK Special Envoy, Amal Clooney, about the new Media Freedom Coalition we’ve set up with Canada. The first wave of 26 countries has signed up, committing to protecting media freedoms in their own countries, speaking out against abuses, and standing up for oppressed journalists around the world.
Amal Clooney is convening a high-level panel of legal experts to advise countries on how to strengthen their legal protections for journalists. This international team will turn these lofty ideals into national laws that will protect journalists on the ground.
And when journalists come under assault, we’ll be there to defend them – with a Global Media Defence Fund backed by £3 million of UK funding. Working with Unesco, the fund will train journalists, help keep them safe, and provide legal assistance in some of the most dangerous places journalists work – whether it’s reporting on the Taliban from Afghanistan or tracking cartel violence in Mexico.
When we leave the EU, we will also reinforce our sanctions legislation to hold those who commit serious abuses of human rights to account – by barring them from entering the UK and freezing their assets such as bank accounts. That will provide a layer of UK accountability against those who target journalists, whistle-blowers and human rights campaigners with impunity in their own countries.
As well as championing these causes, the UN General Assembly is also an opportunity for the international community to come together to defend the international rule of law, by calling on all its members to play by the rules.
We will shine a spotlight on Iran’s violations of international law, including its destabilising actions in the region. And we will be condemning that country’s cruel practice of arbitrarily detaining dual nationals on spurious charges, often in appalling conditions, and in a flagrant disregard for international law.
We want to be a constructive voice on Hong Kong, supporting its people’s right to peaceful protest and encouraging political dialogue on all sides – within the framework of ‘one country, two systems’ that China has consistently advocated since 1984.
When we leave the EU, there will be enormous opportunities across the world. And Britain will be a force for good. We will trade more liberally, including with the poorest countries held back by Western protectionism. We will lead on climate change. We will be a champion of the basic freedoms enshrined in the UN Charter, and a doughty defender of the rules-based international system – the world’s best bet when it comes to tackling the challenges we all share
On Sept. 9, Somalia’s government announced that President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed who is better known as “Farmajo,” would make his first visit to the United States as president, first visiting the United Nations General Assembly before traveling to Washington, D.C. This trip will be a homecoming of sorts for Farmajo who, after the collapse of Somalia’s government in 1991, sought asylum in the United States and worked here for years.
Somalia receives only peripheral attention in the U.S., but it nevertheless receives approximately a half billion dollars of foreign aid annually, far more than any country in Latin America and the majority of Africa. Even against the backdrop of budget cuts, U.S. Ambassador Donald Yamamoto has sought nearly to double that funding. But Somalia has little to show for U.S. aid and diplomatic investment: Every year of Farmajo’s administration has seen corruption continue and insecurity increase.
While Farmajo has avoided serious discussion of Somalia’s future in Mogadishu, his visit to the U.S. provides an opportunity for him to answer some basic questions. Below are a few questions Farmajo should be asked, grouped by subject:
Mr. President, you retained U.S. citizenship until earlier this summer, when you voluntarily renounced it. Did you file income tax each year during which you were an American citizen? Even Americans living abroad without tax obligations must fully report their income.
Your wealth and fortune have increased tremendously since you became Somalia’s president in February 2017. Will you release your filings to show the sources of this wealth? If you have not fulfilled your filing obligations, why not? When you step down from Somalia’s presidency and no longer have diplomatic immunity, will you be able to step foot in the United States? Or would you face charges for tax delinquency from your time as a citizen?
Mr. President, Somalia receives upward of a billion dollars annually in aid, yet Transparency International has ranked Somalia as the world’s most corrupt country for well over a decade, more corrupt even than Syria, Iraq, Venezuela, Yemen and Afghanistan. “Bribery, stealing of public funds, and profiteering by authorities is an everyday fact of life” in Somalia, it found.
Do you believe Transparency International’s assessment of Somalia is wrong? If so, why? If Transparency International’s findings are correct, however, does that signal that the federal government of Somalia lacks capacity to manage the aid it receives? Why should American taxpayers support sending hundreds of millions of dollars to Mogadishu when most of it is wasted and when corruption remains rampant?
Mr. President, it almost seems that terrorist group Al-Shabaab strikes into the heart of Mogadishu, Kismayo, and other supposedly-secure areas of Somalia on a monthly basis, and the problem only appears to be getting worse. Why? Can you show anywhere where you have made progress?
Is the government of Somalia able to maintain security as the African Union Mission in Somalia winds down its mission? How do you assess recent videos emerging showing Somalis seeking absolution from al-Shabab or swearing allegiance to the group?
There have been multiple reports that Al-Shabaab forced workers to cease construction on the Mogadishu stadium. Your government has denied this, despite evidence to the contrary. How, then, do you explain the failure of so many projects to be completed? Corruption? Incompetence?
4. Human Rights
Mr. President, can you speak to the strengths and weaknesses of the Somali constitution? Since you came to power, there have been many killings of opposition activists, and many more have been imprisoned.
An unarmed demonstrator in Baidoa was murdered. Independent journalism has declined under your watch, not only because of repression but also because of financial co-option. What are your human rights priorities? Can you outline a plan to address many of the problems that have emerged under your rule?
Mr. President, when you campaigned for the presidency, you criticized your predecessor for his frequent travel abroad. After all, there was so much work to be done in Somalia, the president was needed at home. And yet, once in office, you have traveled more than many other foreign leaders do.
Over the past year, for example, you have visited Ethiopia at least three-times, Italy, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Burundi, Eritrea, Japan, Turkey, the U.S., and soon Russia. This travel doesn’t include that of Somalia’s foreign minister or Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khaire. How much has such travel cost? Can you point to any trip that could not have been conducted by the foreign minister instead?
As a side note: On this current visit, you originally planned visits to see the Somali communities in Minnesota and Ohio, but canceled them after learning of planned protests. Why not listen to the protestors’ concerns directly and, if you believe them unwarranted, debate them head-on?
Mr. President, your administration has moved Somalia’s foreign policy into much closer partnership with both Turkey and Qatar. You recently promoted Fahad Yasin, a former Al Jazeera employee, to be Somalia’s intelligence chief, even though as deputy intelligence director, he reportedly bragged that he was Qatar’s bagman and the maker and breaker of Somali political fortunes.
Is there truth to Yasin’s claims? Or to allegations that Yasin has multiple passports? What do you see as Qatar’s goals in Somalia? Can you account for all Qatari aid? Does it all get channeled through you, or do other Somali officials receive Qatari funding directly? Can you shed new light on reports of intercepted phone calls showing Qatari direction of some terrorist attacks inside Somalia?
You have crafted tight relations with Turkey, even providing Turkey a military base in Mogadishu. Turkish officials, however, make clear that there is a quid pro quo to Turkish outreach to Africa. “We have to help them develop their system of educating Muslim clergy who will not only serve the people but also teach the people the true Islam in its purest form,” one of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s court journalists explained.
Do you agree? Erdoğan approaches Islam through the lens of the Muslim Brotherhood. Within Somalia, however, Islam traditionally embodies very different exegesis. Do you agree with Turkey’s religious imperialism? As for the base, can you explain the presence of SADAT, an Islamist paramilitary which has regularly armed and trained Islamist and insurgent groups? How much Turkish money gets distributed without any Somali audit?
British Somaliland gained its independence in 1960, but then voluntarily joined with Italian Somaliland to form Somalia. In 1991, after facing genocide at the hands of Somali dictator Siad Barre’s regime, Somaliland re-asserted its independence. It has had repeated presidential elections, its own security forces, its own currency and, unlike Somalia proper, it has security.
Mr. President, under your leadership, Somalia has increasingly sought to compel Somaliland to re-subordinate itself to Mogadishu, seeking a stop to international aid to Somaliland, an end to Somaliland’s control of its airspace, and reassertion of Mogadishu’s control. Given all the problems Somalia faces, though, should a political or military fight with Somaliland really be your priority?
Is the conflict with Somaliland part of a strategy to utilize nationalism to deflect attention from Somalia’s own failures? More basically, if Somalia’s goal is unification, wouldn’t it be better to convince Somaliland to rejoin by ensuring Somalia outperforms it? If security and standards of living are higher in Somaliland than in Somalia proper, why not replicate Somaliland’s success rather than try to smother it?
9. Prime Minister Khaire
Mr. President, Prime Minister Khaire visited Washington, DC, less than six months ago. Much of his visit appears geared to positioning himself to replace you. To what extent is the jockeying for position between you and he impacting re-construction? If Khaire becomes president, will you feel safe remaining in Somalia? If not, what does this say about rule-of-law inside Somalia? Are you satisfied with Khaire’s stewardship and his cabinet?
Mr. President, it is widely believed that there is significant oil in Somali and Kenyan waters. Somalia has taken its maritime dispute to the International Court of Justice. Many experts believe the ruling falls in Somalia’s favor, although the presence of a Somali judge who did not recuse himself may given Kenyan authorities a way to dispute it.
Can you reveal details of the auction held for oil and gas exploration in the disputed waters? Why did you not wait for the court’s ruling? If oil is found, what mechanisms have you planned to ensure it does not fuel further conflict within Somalia or get siphoned off into officials’ overseas bank accounts?
In short, Mr. President, welcome back to the United States. You have an incredibly difficult job, but that should not mean a blank check. Can you assure Congress and the broader public that Somalia is better off under your leadership and that its trajectory remains positive?
Does aid do more harm than good? Or is Somalia destined to another decade or more of state failure?
More than two years into your administration, the questions above remain unanswered. Your visit to the United Nations and Washington, D.C., provides an opportunity to address them, and frankly, due diligence requires that you do.
by Michael Rubin | September 18, 2019
Michael Rubin (@Mrubin1971) is a contributor to the Washington Examiner‘s Beltway Confidential blog. He is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and a former Pentagon official.
Puntland waa maamulka kaliya ee ku jira Federalka Somaliya ee awood muuqato leh Somaliya Siyaasadeeda.Puntland waxay mar caalamka tustaa inSomaliya ka madaxbanaan yihiin,kolna waxay u muujiyaan in ay somaliya iyagu gacanta ku hayso,oo ay kaalinta ugu weyn ee siyaasada Somaliya ay iyagu yihiin indhaha iyo dhagaha Somaliya ay wax ku aragto waxna ku maqasho.Sidaasi ma dhabbaa?
Koley wax badan way isbedeli doonaan hadii marka dawlad goboleedada Somaliya indhaha loo jeexo oo dhegana loo daweeyo,balse inta ay indho iyo dhego la yihiin meel ma gaadhayso!.
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into Africa remains small by global standards, but prominent in relation to Gross domestic products (GDP
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa, September 4, 2019/APO Group/ —
Africa’s growth remains uneven, with East Africa out-pacing the rest of the continent; The continent grew 3.8% in 2018, with Sub-Saharan Africa rising somewhat slower, at 2.6%; FDI into Africa remains small by global standards, but prominent in relation to GDP; The US and western Europe remain Africa’s largest investors; FDI flows to the most diversified, business friendly economies.
Document link: bit.ly/2ltUo5z
At the start of the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Cape Town today, South Africa, along with many other African countries, face an unprecedented set of economic challenges that need urgent attention that should be addressed by creating an enabling business environment.
Sandile Hlophe, EY (EY.com) Africa Government & Public Sector Leader, who advises many levels of South African government on digital transformation, financial improvement and risk management, said that as aspirational as WEF Africa’s aims are, dialogue is only effective if followed by action.
Speaking from WEF Cape Town at the launch of the EY Africa Attractiveness report 2019 – that looks at how South Africa and the African continent, are attracting FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) to grow their economies, Hlophe said that it was high time for a “sleeves rolled up, action orientated agenda” to accelerate FDI flows to the continent. “We need a shift from ideology and dialogue to accelerated implementation.”
Hlophe noted that attracting FDI should be one the most important initiatives for African governments.
“FDI helps in economic development and is especially important for developing economies as it leads to job creation and wealth creating economic growth, he continues.”
He said that after a growth ‘drought decade’, Africa appeared to be making its way back onto a growth trajectory with FDI inflows to the continent expected to increase following a rise of 11% in 2018.
FDI helps in economic development and is especially important for developing economies as it leads to job creation and wealth creating economic growth
Encouraging as the signs are, more needs to be done because Africa’s growth remains below potential. FDI inflows, for example, are still below the annual average of the last 10 years.
Looking at South Africa, Hlophe noted that the country attracted the highest number of FDI flows projects in Africa (110). South Africa however only attracted US$5m in FDI, placing it behind Egypt (US$12m), Algeria (US$9m), Nigeria (US$8m), Ethiopia (US$7m) and even Zimbabwe (US$6m).
“Despite being a country critically lacking in consumer and business confidence, and with unemployment stubbornly high, it is encouraging that South Africa remains on investors’ radar.
“An urgent focus on implementing economic reforms as outlined in the President’s economic stimulus and recovery plan announced in September 2018 and progressing State Owned Companies plans to strengthen governance and stabilise cash flows, will go a long way towards stimulating increased FDI flows,” he added.
Technology as FDI magnet
Technology focused FDI, in Africa and the rest of the world, is rising steadily as the pace of digital transformation picks up.
“While Africa is still behind the technology curve, there is a once-in-50-years opportunity for the continent to leapfrog incremental technology advancement. By adopting digital transformation successes from more advanced countries – such as intelligent automation, cloud-based software deployment and data storage – Africa can quickly scale up its technology use.”
Hlophe added that the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) meant investing in digital infrastructure that enables independent devices (such smart phones, computers and vehicle navigations systems) to communicate with each other by exchanging and analysing data to provide humans with actionable insights.
“Getting business and government to work together in investing in digital infrastructure, such as 5G data networks, WIFI platforms and Cloud data centres, will place African countries at the front of the FDI investment queue,” he concluded.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of EY.
Qaynuunka Caalamiga ah (international law) ayaa loo cuskadaa marka laga hadlayo aqoonsiga qaran jiritaankiisa waxaana loo ee gaa in laga helo oo uu qaranku lee yahay :
- Dad joogto ah (permanent population)
- Dhul Cayiman (a defined territory)
- Dawlad (Government ) iyo
- Capacity to enter into relations with other states.
Somaliland intaas oo astaamoodba way leedahay waxaa u dheer in ay somalida konfureed kala ahaayeen laba dal oo midba gaarkiisa u lahaa xuduudo u gooniya oo caalamiya intii aaney isku biirin ka hor 1 July 1960.
Dr James Summers, ayaa qaba sidan mar uu wax ka qoray Self-Determination in International Law:-
The right of peoples to self-determination is their right to freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social, and cultural development. It has a central position in international law as a primary principle in the creation and destruction of states. It features in Article 1 of the UN Charter (1945) as one of the purposes of the organization. It is positioned as the first right in the twin Human Rights Covenants (the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [ICCPR] and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights [ICESCR]).
Hadaba maxaa loo la yahay in hal dal ku dhiirado aqoonsiga Somaliland,Saaxiib khabiira ayaa su’aashaa si dadban aan u weydiiyey wuxuu igu yidhi “ Somaliland wakhtigii ay xornimada qaadatey madaxdii dunida ee wakhtigaasi ma jiraan,Somaliland ka hor 1991 waxay ka mid ahayd dal la yidhaa soomaliya,dadka maanta madaxda ka ah dunidu waxay og yihiin somaliya oo dawladii ka talin jirtey burburtey,Somaliland ka godey,taariikhda waa la akhriyaa,waana la isgaadhsiiyaa balse dadka Somaliland ayaa ka gaabiyey qadiyadooda iney si waafiya uga dhaadhiciyaan caalamka”.Tani waa run uu ninkaasi ku dooday waayo dad badan Ayaan waxba kala socon taariikhda Somaliland,oo u haysta in Somaliland iyo Somaliya isku taariikh ahaayeen oo weligoodba hal dal wada ahaayeen,cidii caalamka u bandhigilahayna waxay ka door bidiin in ay ka hawlyareystaan.Sidaa awgeed
Jawaabta su’aashani waa mid furan oo qof walba rayigiisa ku cabiri karo balse waxaa ay aniga iigu muuqataa mid aaney weli u diyaar ahayn somalilader ka laftigooda in ay bulshada caalamka ee madaxa banaan ka mid noqdaan, ama ay sugayaan in waajibaadkooda shaqo ee ku aadan helida aqoonsi calamiya ay ka sugayaan cid kale iney u qabato taas waxaa aan u lee yahay markaad aragtid sida ay wax u socdaan ilaa dib ula soo noqoshadii dalkii xornimada ka qaatey boqortooyadii midowday (UK) sanadkii 1960 kii ilaa maanta waxaa kuu cadaan kara in aaney jirin siyaasad cad oo qaran oo Somalider ku u dejisteen sidii ay uga mid noqon lahaayeen dalalka la aqoonsan yahay,oo taariikhda horeba uga mid ahaayeen mudo shan cisho ah oo ah dawlad jirtey noqdeen ugu yaraana 25 dal in ka badani aqoonsadeen ka dib markii 26 June 1960 xoriyadooda ka qaateen dalka Britain.
Sidaa darteed Sababta Somaliland loo aqoonsan la yahay waxay salka ku haysaa arimahan hoos ku qoran:
- Somalilanderka oo aan degsan Qorshe Siyaasadeed oo wax ku ool ah
Maxaa aan ula jeedaa arintan waxaa ula jeedaa hadii Qaranka Somaliland rabo in uu si buuxda ugu guuleysto in uu ka mid noqdo dalalka caalamka ee la aqoonsan yahay waxaa ahayd inuu qaado talaabooyinkan:
- In dawladu dhisto gole balaadhan oo u howlgala sidii caalamka looga iibin lahaa qadiyada Somaliland.
Dadka qaar baa odhan kara waa jiraan golahani oo kan ugu dambeyey Marwo Adna ayaa madax u ah,taasi ma aha mid ku filan Adni waa hawlkar ka soo bixi karta shaqadaasi balse looma sameyn tasiiladkii ay u baahney hadey noqoto xafiiskii,misaaniyadii,shaqaalihii aqoon yahanadii,gudigii kale ee la shaqeyn lahayd balse waxaad moodaa xubin sharaf arinta Adna iyo siyaasiyiintii ka horeyeyba .
- Xisbiyada Siyaasada Somaliland oo ay ahayd iney qorshe cad oo siyaasadeed u dejistaan sidii dalku u helilahaa aqoonsi oo dejistey qoshe ah sidii ay xukunka ku gaadhi lahaayeen oo keliya(Madaxweyne doon).
Xisbiyadu waxay nodeen kuwa hortaagan in Somaliland dal la aqoonsan yahay noqdo, waayo waxay noqdeen kuwo kursi iney gaadhaan xooga saara,oo wax kasta oo ay ku gaadhayaan xitaa hadii somalilandnimada laga tagayo ka horumariya kursidoonka taasina waa tan abuurtey in maanta la yidhaahdo Jahbad Somaliland ka soo horjeeda oo Ex-con.Caare hogaamiyo ayaa jirta.
Waa tan keentey in aynu maqalno ereyo badan oo ku lid ah qaranimada Somaliland oo somaliladerku Social media yaha isku mariyaan cuqaal,siyaasi iwm.
Arintaa waxaa abuurey waa Xisbiyada Siyaasadeed ee Somaliland oo aan lahayn aragti siyaasadeed oo qaran balse u dhisan uun aragti aan dhaafsisaneyn maalinta doorashooyinka iyo ku gaadhid maskab aan loo soo barbaarin qaab xisbi siyaasi ah oo raba in uu dal dhiso oo uu bedelo xisbigii ka horeyey siyaasdiisii wuu ku guul dareystey ee dhinaca horumarka dhaqaalaha,caafimaadka,waxbarshada iyo kaabayaashooda kala duwan.
Arimahaasi oo dhami waa kuwa Somaliland ka hortaagan in ay noqoto dal la aqoonsan yahay,mana muuqato in Somalinderku la imanayaan karti iyo qoshe balaadhan oo salka ku haya sahaminta saaxiibo cusub iyo baraarujinta kuwii hore ee u helanaa iney Somaliland noqoto qaran laga aqoonsan yahay caalamka.
- Qaybyaalada oo qayb ka ah Siyaasada Somaliland
- Somalilanderku waxa ay lee yihiin Siyaasiin aan rabin in ay soo baxaan kaadirin siyaasadeed oo cusub,mana laha daraasado cilmi ku saleysaan oo lagu furdaaminayo xal u helida dhibaatada qabyaalada taas bedelkeedana waxay barnaamujkooda siyaasadeed ee aan qarsooneyni yahay reer hebel in wax lagu doorto lagu soo baxo barnaamujka siyaasadeed ee siyaasiguna noqdo kaasi.
Arintani waxay wiiqday aragtidii wadaniyada iyo wadan jeceylka , waxaaney ka mid noqotey arimaha hoos u dhigay citirafka Somaliland.
Su’aal aan weydiiyey dad aanu kawada sheekeysano dhibaatooyinka dunida ee maanta ayaa su’aal aan weydiiyey ayaa ahayd sidan?
Bulshada Caalamku maxay u qabataa Somaliland?
Waxay ii sheegey: “Marka aad madaxa isla gashaan ayaa u yeedhataan oo idin heshiisiiyaan” Su’aal dib la iiweydiiyey ayaa ahayd : Ma arintaa mid weyn baad ka sugeysey,hadii la idin kala badbaadiyey!.
Waan garawsadey waayo waxaa aan ogaa inay run tahay oo marka ay xisbiyadeednu iyo dawladu is fahmi waayaan xisbiyada u yaacaan dhica beesha caalamka oo ay u ashkato tagaan sideed u heli kartaa aqoonsi hadii kuwii aad aqoonsiga ka rabtey aad lee dahay nakala saara hadii kale Somaliland jirimeyso?
- Reernimada siyaasi iyo caaqil ku gaadhid dantiisa dhinaca siyaasada iyo dhaqaalaha,ninkii siyaasiya ee doonaya in uu si fudud u taajiro waxaa uu dhexda u xidhaa sidii uu u gelgelilahaa dawladnimada Somaliland oo ugu gorgortami lahaa xil iyo xoolo hadii kale somalandtu ma sii jiri doonto ayuu ku hadaaqaa.Arintani waa ka qayb dhibaatada inaga haysatada citiraaf caalami.
Somaliland waxay lee dahay laba gole oo kal duwan kuwaas oo kala ah :
1- Golaha Wakiilada
2- Golaha Guurtida
labada gole Shaqadooda ugu muhiimsan waxa ka mida arimahan:
a) Hubinta iyo la xisaabtanka dawlada shaqadeeda in ay u gudatey qaabka sharcigu jideynayo iyo in kale (scrutiny).
b) Sameyta iyo bedelada Shuruucda (legislation).
c) Hubinta iyo hagaajinta habka dawladu u qarashgareyso misaaniyada (budget/Taxes)
d) Falanqeynta iyo ka doodida arimaha muhiimka ah ee qaranka iyo asaxinta mooshinada iwm.(debating). Labada gole ee Guurtida iyo Wakiiladu waa laba shaqadoodu isku xidhan tahay oo mid walba kan kale kaabayo,oo isku dheelitiran. labaduba waxay xubnahoodu ka munaakhishoodaan oo ay qabtaan dodo ku saabsan xukumada iyo siyaasadeeda, sharciyada cusub ee dawladu soo jeediso in la meelmariyo iyo mawaadiicda maalintaa taagan ee la rabo in wax laga qabto ama laga yidhaado.
Somaliland labadeedan gole waa kuwo aan xilkooda si fiicaan u gudan oo aad moodid in ay arin qudha uun ay ku soo koobaaan hawlahooda taas oo ah marka mooshin shirci golaha la horkeenayo in aad dareemeysid uun jiritaanka golaha, oo shaqooyin kale oo muhiima ay lahaayeen in aaney waxba ka qaban.
Arimaha muhiimka ah ee aaynu tabeyno in golohu aanu xilba iska saarin waxaynu u qaybin karnaa laba qaybood oo kala ah:
I) Arimaha nabadgelya ee hada taagan sida:
i) Falaagowga Ex.Con.Caare labada gole midna iska muuxilsaarin si furan in ay uga doodaan,baadhan,oo ay tilmaamaan qaabka ugu haboon ee sharci ahaan looga hawlgalayo arinta ku saabsan dhibaatada nabadgelyo,siyaasadeed iyo bulsho ee falaagada care hogaamiyaa loo soo afjari lahaa,kula xisaabtanka hayadaha dawlada ee ay quseyso arimaha nabadgelyada waxay ka qabteen,waxa uga qorsheysan qaabka loo gelayo arintan.
ii) Arinta labada Ardaa ee Ceel Afweyn : Waa ay ka gaabiyeen labada goloba iney daraasad cilmiya ku sameeyaan sabaha saldhiga u ah in mudo 3 sano ka badan xal waara laga gaadhi waayo dhibaatada dhextaala bulshada ku dhaqan aagaasi,wax xil muuqda iskama ay saarin labada gole gaar ahaan mudanayaasha laga soo doortey deegaankaasi oo ay ahayd in ay hormood ka noqdaan xal u helinta,talo ka keenaan qaabka uGu fiican ee loo soo afjari karo maadaama ay xogogaal u yihiin oo ay ka soo jeedaan degaanka.
iii) Ciidamo beeleed yada loo qoro degaanada bariga qaar ka mida oo aan wafaqsaney qabdhismeedka ciidamada qaranka taasina ay dhibaato ku tahay hawlgalka ciidanmada qaranka,nidaamka sharci ee amaanka qaranka iyo habka nidaamka sharciga hubka ee rayidka hubeysan.
Taas oo dhacda in maleeshiyo beeleysan oo qaranka mushahar iyo gunoba ka qaataa marba meel dhinac u guuraan oo dano siyaasadeed iyo dhaqaale awgeed loo adeegsado oo cadawga Somalilandna uu adeegsado marka uu doono taas oo noqon karta waxaa afka qalaad loogu yeedho double Agent.Arintaas oo ay ahayd in golayaashu ka doodan sidii loo sameyn lahaa qarameynta ciidamadaasi looga hoosgeyn lahaa ciidamada qaranka ama loo kala deri lahaa oo ciidan police oo deeganka ah loogu bedelilahaa .
La soco qaybaha dambe……….
“Ajaanibku Waxa Uu Muhiim Noqdaa Marka Ay Soomaali Is Hayso”…Ex Wasiir Yuusuf Garaad
Ajnabi waxa uu muhiim noqdaa marka Soomaali is haysa uu midkood cudud ka dhigto quwad shisheeye, oo danteeda ilaashaneysa, asaga oo dabcan wax uga beddelanaya.
Midka kalena uu helo dal, isaga oo dantiisa ilaashanaya, diyaar u ah in uu ka daafaco dhinaca ay is hayaan.
Taas oo wiiqeysa Qarannimada Soomaaliya. Markaa iigu kaadi ajnebiga oo ragaadka nagu fogeyn kara laakiin aan na muquunin kari doonin.
Marka aad si deggan u qiimeyso sida ay Dowladdu ula dhaqantay Dowlad Goboleed kasta oo ay gacanteedu gaarto, ma jirtaa cid ay eersan karto mise iyadaa kobtatadan is dhigtay?
Waxa Qoray Yuusuf Garaad
Waxaa aan is lee yahay Mudane Yusuf Garaad waa garanayaa xaalada Somalida konfureed iyo siyaasadeed balse wuxuu diidan yahay in uu runta ka sheego xaqiiqada dhabta ah ee ka Jirta Somalidii Talyaanigu gumeysaney iyo dawlada federalka somaliya oo runtii ah Jamhuuriyada federalka ah ee Gobolka Banaadir.
Madaxweyne farmaajano loo aqoon san yahay Duqa magaalada Muqdisho.
Sidaa darteed Yusuf Garaad kol hadii dawlada federalka ahi gobolkeedii maamuleyso oo aan cidina ku haysan,oo ay magacaabeyso gudoomiyayaashii degmooyinka,taliyayaashii iyo garsoorayaashii gobolka banaadir sidee ayey isku dhigtey halkaa aad sheegeysid, ma waxaad aaminsan tahay in Duqa magaalada Muqdisho uu ka talin karo gobol kale oo aanu xukumi Karin kol hadii aanu xidhiidh wanaagsani ka dhaxay gobolkaa sida Jubaland waayo waa laba gobol loo siman.
Beesha Caalamkuna kaalinteeda ayey ka qaadaneysaa waayo marka laba dal is qabtaan dalalka saaxiibka la ah baa lakala safta oo taasi waa caadi,ee wax kale ma aha yusufow Somaliya koonfureed waxaa halkaa dhigey waa beenta ay ku maaweelinayaan siyaasiintoodu ee waxaa muhiima in runta la wajaho federalka muqdisho dib loo habeeyo dib u hashiisiina dadkiina u sameysaan dib loo eego dawlad goboleed yada Puntland lagu soo dabaalo qaabka dawlada federalka ah oo aad moodid in ay ka madax banaan tahay. Labadii gobo lee Somaliyeed ee midowbey 1 July 1960 kii is aqoonsadaan oo horta qolo walba dhankeeda iskula xisaabtanto.
Somaliland waa dhisan tahaye dhibka ka deysaan,xoog,caqli iyo xoolona iskugu geysaan Somalidii Konfureed oo dad iyo dalba dhistaan. Ka dib marka aad hal dal ooh al talo ka godo u soo diyaar garoba wada hadalka Somaliland iyo wixii la kala yeelayo oo ku saleysan run,daacad,walaaltinimo iyo kala tedegid hadii ay dadku sidaa doortaan.
Dawlada Kenya ayaa ku guuleysatey in ay golaha amaanka ee Jimcayada Quruumaha ka dhexeysa u mitisho xubinta aan joogtada ahayn AU, ka dib markey kaga guuleysatey natiijo mug leh dalka Jamhuuriyada DJabouti oo la tartamayey.
Cod bixin qarsoodi ahayd oo la qabtey Arbacadii Shaley oo taariikhdu ahay 21/08/19. Kenya ayaa ku muuleysatey 37 cod halka DJabouti uu helay 13 cod wareegii labaad halka ay goobjoog ka ahaayeen 51 xubnood, halka ay tirada guud ee AU xubnuhu ay yihiin 55 xubnood.
Wareegii kowaad Kenya ayaa heshay heshay 34 cod halka DJabouti heshay 15 cod.
halkaa oo Kenya noqoneyso dalka keligii u tartamidoona kursiga aan joogtada ahay ee Golaha Amaanka UNta sanadka 2020 -2021
August 9, 2019
In May, Councillor Dr Abdullah Gulaid was formally elected as the new mayor of Ealing and has been enjoying the ‘very rewarding and challenging’ role.
As mayor, Councillor Gulaid undertakes all civic ceremonial duties within the borough. This will include attendance at key Remembrance Day services and greeting any members of the royal family visiting Ealing. He was a key figure at the Armed Forces Day event in Ealing in June (you can see some photos from this event in our gallery).
He is being assisted in his duties by Councillor Munir Ahmed, who was appointed deputy mayor.
From early skills to medical research
Councillor Gulaid came to the UK in 1969, when his early science skills were recognised by the government, which granted him a scholarship to complete A-levels and a degree course.
Having completed his A-levels at Bristol Polytechnic, he followed them up with a degree in chemistry at Queen Mary College, London University before completing his Masters degree at Kings College, London University in analytical chemistry. He went on to complete a PhD in biochemical pharmacology at the Royal Postgraduate Medical School.
Unsurprisingly, Councillor Gulaid’s professional career has centred on medical advances and he has worked across the world – Europe, USA and Japan – on clinical trials. He was the co-founder of the Sickle Cell Anaemia Research Foundation and a trustee for the Black African and Caribbean Mental Health Consortium and Richard Darlington Foundation. So, no surprise that he was nominated and awarded to be a Fellow of the Royal Society of Chemistry and Chartered Chemist in 2001.
‘So many opportunities to make a positive impact’
He has been a Labour councillor for Acton Central ward since 2010 and a member of several committees including planning, health and adult social services and corporate parent and has been the Ealing mental health champion since 2017. He was also a governor at local schools Southfield Primary, West Acton Primary, Derwentwater Primary and Acton High.
Councillor Gulaid said: “Being the mayor means having a duty to do everything you can for local communities in Ealing. I am originally from Somalia and came to the UK in 1969 and even in that time I was interested in politics so it’s obviously an honour to be mayor. There are so many opportunities to make a positive impact.
“It is very rewarding and challenging to be mayor. It is an important link between the council and the community hopefully I can strengthen that wherever possible. You listen local people and hope you can work to help them wherever you can.”
Descendants – the mayoral charity
Councillor Gulaid has chosen Acton-based Descendants as his charity for the year. Since it was set up in 1993 it has worked to create an environment to help young people (primarily but not exclusively) of African and Caribbean descent to learn together, build their confidence and thrive.
With the aid of 20 volunteers, Descendants provides weekly educational and inspirational classes, holiday projects and annual achievement awards to showcase good work. It also provides advice and support sessions for parents and encourages volunteers’ participation in training schemes.
Descendants celebrated its 25th year last year – and this milestone was followed this year by the honour of receiving a 2019 Queens Award for Voluntary Service – which is the highest award given to volunteer groups across the UK to recognise exceptional service within their communities.
Find out more at www.descendants.org.uk
Councillor Gulaid said: “Part of my work over the year involves helping to promote the work of my chosen charity Descendants, which helps support young people in west London. I think it’s vital we ensure that young people have the care and support they need in what can be a challenging age for anyone.”
Source :Ealing extra
Sida laga wada dheregsan yahay halgankii ay reer Somaliland madaxbannaanidoodii dib ugu la soo noqdeen dad badan, oo rag iyo dumar ba leh, baa u dhintay. Qaar baa u dhaawacmay, qaarna way u naafoobeen. Carruur baa u agoomowdey, hooyooyin baa u goblamay. Marwooyin baa wiil iyo walaalba ku waayey, hengelna u qaaday. Qaar baan Eebbe waxba kala kulmin oo aanu il saxar kaga dhicin.
Intii aan la bixin, dad badan, oo rag iyo dumarba lahaa, baa arrintaa darteed loo diley, hooyooyin baa jeelalka ku dhex ummulay, qaarna waa loo xidhxidhay oo xabsi daayin baa lagu xukumay.
Qurbajoogtu, runtii, halgankii umay yaraysan. Qaarkood jeebadda ayey ka dagaalameen. Qaar kalana, gudo iyo debedba, guubaabada, hayaay ka kacaayda iyo xadhka xidhka ayey ku hawlanaayeen.
Arrinta haddaba yaabka lihi waa kolkii la guushi dhalatay waa la wada yeeshay. Mujaahidkii dhabta ahaa ee ay naftu ku qasabtay inuu kaadidiisa cabbaa isma sheego, dadkuna ma sheegaan. Hayeeshee, fuleygii, waxma tarahii iyo dabin ka boodkii baa cid walba guushii ka sheeganaya oo ayagu isku tilmaama inay yihiin kuwa kaadidooda u soo cabbay guushaa iyada ah.
Intii haddaba sida dhabtaha dagaalka ugu jirtay, rag iyo dumarba, innaga oo mahad aan la koobi Karin ugu hayna, ayaa wixii ay qabteen qaarna la sheegaa, badhna la sheelaa. Sidaasi awgeed waxaan jecleystay inaan idin la wadaago qoraallo koobkooban oo taxane noqon doona oo aan wax kaga sheegi doono waxqabadkii iyo taariikh nololeedkii mujaahidiin dhawr ah oo aan u arko in waxqabadkoodii la sheelay, haddase la gaadhay xilligii ay dadweynuhu ogaan lahaayeen wixii ay qabteen ama qofkastaa wixii uu qabtay. Waxaanan qoraalkan ku bilaabi:
Aan ku bilaabee, sida aan kor ku xusay, waxaan qoraalkan wax kaga sheegi taariikh nololeedkii mujaahid ka mid ahaa mujaahidiinta dalka u soo halgamay iyo waxqabadkiisii dhaxalgalka ahaa ee uu dadkiisa iyo dalkiisa u qabtay intii uu noolaa.
Mujaahidka aad isweydiineysaan ama sugeysaan waa Mujaahid, Maxamed Cabdillaahi Faarax ‘Fani’. Marxuunku wuxuu ka mid ahaa saraakiishii ururkii SNM ee dalka ka xoreeyey maammulkii macangagga ahaa ee Siyaad Barre.
AHUN Marxuunku muu ahayn dadka is sheegsheega ee hawl qabadkiisa magaca ku doono. Intii qof kastaa dantiisa iska watey. Marxuunku, Alle Naxariistiisa Jano ha geeyee, G/le Sare Maxamed Cabdillaahi Faarax “Fani”, wuxuu ahaa nin qaranka Somaaliland hawlweyn u hayey, qarankana abaal weyn ku leh, balse aan weli abaalkiisa looga mahad celin, lana xusin taariikhdiisii qaranimo iyo dadaalkii wadaniyadeed ee uu ku lahaa mudadii iyo waayihii kala duwanaa ee uu ku jirey halgannadii kala duwanaa ee taariikhda Somaliland soo martey.
Madaxweynihii labaad ee JSL Marxuun Maxamed Ibraahin Cigaal baa Eng. G/le Sare Maxamed Cabdillaahi Faarax ‘Fani’ u magacaabay Agaasimaha Guud ee Wasaaradda Gaashaandhigga. Waxaanu jagadaasi hayey ilaa intii uu Xaqu ka helay oo ahayd dabayaaqadii maammulkii Madaxweyn Daahir Riyaale Kaahin.
Intii uu haddaba xilka hayey Marxuunku wuxu qabtay oo uu hirgashay hawl uu qaranka Somaliland ku tanaaday, maraggeedana qof kasta oo reer Somaliland ahi xilli kasta uu indhihiisa ku arko hayeeshee aanu dhaadin isna weydiin cidda aragtidaa iyo hawlqabadkaasi soo kordhisay.
Darajooyinka ciidammadeennu, kuwa qaran, badda, bileyska, iyo asluubtu, ku lebbistaan ee garbahooda ka lushaa waa waxqabadkii Eng. G/le Sare Maxamed Cabdillaahi Faarax ‘Fani’. Faahfaahinta taariikh nololeedkii iyo waxqabadkiisii Mujaahidka ka akhriso Warsidaha HERER ee halkan ku lifaaqan.
Run ahaantii, isaga oo keliya ma aha haldoorka la illoobey kaalintoodii balse waxaa jira kuwo badan oo la mid ah oo nool ama geeriyadoodey oo aan helin abaalkii qarankooda ay ku lahaayeen, taariikhdoodana aan la qorin dibna loo eegin. Arrimahaasi waxay ka mid yihiin dhaliilaha qaran, bulsho iyo shaqsiyadeed ee aynu leenahay ee Jira.
Arrinku siduu doonaba ha ahaadee, maanta markaad Somaliland dhexjoogto waxaa kuu muuqanaya markhaati marag ma doon ah oo ku saabsan Waxqabadkii Marxuun G/le Sare Maxamed Cabdillaahi Faarax ‘Fani. Sidaasi awgeed, Saraakiil, Saraakiil xigeen, iyo Alufleyda Ciidammada Somaliland ee kala duwan darajooyinka garbahooda ka muuqdaa waa hal abuurkii, naqshadeyntii (design) wanaagsanayd u sameeyey Marxuunku.
Guntii iyo gunaanadkii, qoraalkan kooban ee aan u bixiyey: Muu Waarin Balse Taariikh iyo Dhaxal Ma Guuraan Buu ka Tegey, waxaan kaga hadlay oo aan rabay inaan dadweynaha ku baraarujiyo inay jiraan muwaaddiniin dadkeenna iyo dalkeennaba wax u qabtay oo innaga mudan xus iyo xasuus hayeehee aan laga hadal waxqabaadkooda iyo taariikhnololeedkooda toona. Qoraalkanna waxaan ku xusay oo tusaale u soo qaatay (AHUN) Eng. G/le Sare Maxamed Cabdillaahi Faarax ‘Fani’, ahaana Agaasimhihii Guud ee hore ee Waaaradda Gaashaandhiga sida aan hawlqabadkiisa dawladaheennu u xusin iska daa in la xushumeeyo oo loogu magacdaro, tusaale ahaan, xarumaha ciidammada dalka, dugsiyada ciidammada lagu tababaro, iwm. Waxaana ayaanadarro ah in, sida ilo lagu kalsoonyihiin noo sheegeen, dad kale lagu naasnuujiyo oo qandaraas lagu siiyey soo iibinta darajooyinkii uu Marxuunku ku hadh iyo habeen u soo jeedi jirey.
Hadal waa gune, waxaan runtii soo dhoweynayaa cid alla ciddii haysa cid nool ama xaquba helay oo ummadda wax u qabatay oo jecel inay hawlqabadkooda annaga iyo daweynahaba la wadaagaan.
Tariikh noleedka AUN G/le Maxamed Cabdillaahi Farah “Fani” kaga bogo: http://www.halgeri.com
Reer Ceel Afweyn mala waxay doonayaan in reer Somaliland Habaarto oo Alle(swt) laga ashkateeyo kol hadii loo maaro waayey, oo dhaartii Alle lagu dhaariyey,taladii,dhexdhaxaadiintii walaalnimadii wada dhalshadii wada noolaashihii ducaadii intaba qaadan waayeen,waxaa hadhay waa in aanu nidhaahno Allow u taagweyne kuwa gardaran adigu u tali adiga ayaa oge,cida nabada diidan iyo cida hoos ka hurinaya ee is qarinaysa Adiga ayaaney waxba kaa qarsooneyne naga qabo,oo Junuudaada u der ha edbiyaane.
Mar labaad waxaa u arkaa in wali wakhti ay haystaan dadka colaadan sii holcinaya ee daaha dabadiisa ka wada ay Alle uga toobadkeenan oo xumo iyo fililada sheedaanimada ka baxaan,wanaagna ku bedelaan,xumaanta jidka toosana qaadaan inta ay wakhtiga haystaan.
Wax garadka reer ceel Afweyn waxaa la gudboon intooda caqliga ilihi iney dadka aan wax garadka ahayd ee jid ay u socdaan iyo mid ayka socdaan ee shaydanka insaga ah iyo ka jinka ahiba ku adeegsanayaan iney caqli u noqdaan oo hubka ka dhigaan,walaaleeyaan dhaqan Celina u sameeyaan.
Xisbiya Qaranka ee Somaliland waa ay ku guul dareysteen iney kaalintii kaga adaneyd ka qaataan colaada ceel afweyn gaar ahaan xisbiga wadani oo ay ahayd gudoomiye Cabdiraxmaan ciro in uu tago ceel afeweyn oo kala dhexdhigo labada beelood ee reer togkii ah calanka cad ee nabada taas oo uu ku helilahaa sumcad weyn oo uu taranka dambe shacabku ugu codeyn lahaayeen hadii uu talabadaasi qaadi lahaa,sidoo kale Fasal isaguna waa ku guuldareystey kaalintiisii odeynimo. Sidaa waxaa u lee yahay labada xisbi ee UCID iyo Wadani waa xisbiyo Mucaarid ah oo kaalin dhexdhexaadnimo uga furan tahay kaalinta nabadeenta halka xisbiga Kulmiye loo foodsaarayo dawlada waayo waa xisbiga talada haya oo ay tahay in uu kaalintiisa isaguna qaato,balse xisbiyada mucaaridka labada beelood ee dagaalamayaa kama dhadhaminayaan dawlada oo fursad weyn ayey ka qaadan karaan nabadeeda labadan beelood,wixii talooyina iyo gacan ahna waxay weydiisan karaan dawlada iyo bulshada Somaliland. Balse malaha wax kalaa u muuqda.
Waa in Alle ka baqanaa oo aan dadkeena ku mideynaa diinteena iyo wadankeena Jacaylkiisa.
Saudi Arabia to Issue Visas to Somaliland Passport Holders
Qoraalkan gaaban Waxaa lagu qorey MENAFN (Middle east North Africa Financial network). Hadaba waa ayo MENAFN?
MENAFN is the leading provider of online and wirles financial content and finacial technology platforms to leading Insitutions and consumers around the Arab World. waa laga qurux badan yahay in aynu dalkeena iyo dawladeeda u sameyno dacaayado been u dhow oo aan waxba tareynin halkii aynu difaaci lahayn dalkeena una horseedi lahayn horumar iyo wanaag,waa in aynu kala baranaa shaqsi nacaybka iyo qaranimada, shaqsi kastaa waa uu iska tegi balse wadaniniadu waa mid ku dhidban nolosha qaranimadeena waana taaynu rabno in aynu ubadkeena ku beero wadankooda inay jeclaadan, Somaliland waa qaran u baahan in dadkiisu horumariyaan,oo wadanka dhigtaan jira balse ma garan karo sida aynu u noqon karo wadaniyiin inaga oo maalin walba caayeyna wadankeena siyaasadiisa,xisbi iyo shaqsi waxaa ka weyn wadaniyada iyo adiga oo ku faana wadankaga dadka wanaagsan ee daacada ahna fursad u siiya iney hogaamiyaan dalkooda halkii aad qabiil iyo wax matare ku qiimayn lahay hogaanka siyaasada iwm.Bal ila eeg labadan war bixinood teebaa runta u dhow jawaabtu adiga ayaa lagaa sugayaa akhristow.
(MENAFN – SomTribune) Saudi Arabia will soon start issuing visas on Somaliland passports.
This is a departure from the Kingdom’s previously long held position of issuing visas on Somali passports holders and not Somaliland passports.
The issuance of the visas to Somalilanders starts with those who will be heading for pilgrimage in Mecca this month.
Already, the president of Somaliland Muse Bihi is in Saudi Arabia on an official invitation from King Salman Bin Abdul Aziz. The two leaders are expected to hold talks on how the two countries can cement their trade relations.
Saudi Arabia will also recognize Somaliland diplomatic passports.
There are reports that the Saudi King sent the Somaliland delegation a private, royal jet to collect them from Hargeisa’s Egal International Airport direct to the Kingdom.
This is the first time a Somaliland president is receiving official invitation from Saudi leadership.
This comes just two months after the Somaliland president met Saudi envoy Amb Mohamed Khayat in Hargeisa where the two discussed how Saudi Arabia would assist Somaliland in the areas of the economy, investment, lifting the ban on Somaliland livestock export to KSA and ways to enhance the bilateral ties between two countries.
President Bihi has been courting Saudi for some time and expressing his country’s close ties with the kingdom.
‘Firstly we are neighbors of Saudi Arabia. Second, our exports go to Saudi Arabia, third in Saudi Arabia there are two holy mosques that we have to visit, so consider all these reasons for us to be aligned with Saudi Arabia,’Bihi said in a previous interview.
Somaliland exports livestock to the Middle East, notably Saudi Arabia with the highest exports going during the Hajj period.
By Odindo Ayieko
Here’s the problem: Somaliland’s ability to stand up to radicals and Al Qaeda-affiliated terrorists may not be endless.by Michael Rubin
HARGEISSA, SOMALILAND—“Great nations do not fight endless wars,” President Donald Trump declared in his State of the Union address, even as he redoubled his commitment to “focus on counterterrorism.” While many commentators describe Afghanistan—the war against which Trump railed—as America’s longest war, the battle against terrorists and warlords in Somalia has now run even longer.
Alas, even as Trump talks about scaling back the U.S. military footprint abroad, his willingness to follow the State Department’s lead in Somalia threatens to embolden radicalism and revive piracy in the Horn of Africa. At issue is Somalia, where the State Department’s embrace of false unities and antipathy toward change has led it to double down on its support for Somalia’s symbolic government in Mogadishu.
At first glance, Trump’s cynicism looks warranted. After years of civil war, Somalia has a provisional constitution and a government. Elders have appointed a parliament, which in turn has elected a president. But the federal government’s control is largely illusionary. Most diplomats and non-governmental organizations are sequestered inside the international airport, which makes Baghdad’s old Green Zone look permissive. The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), encompassing troops from five African countries and police from an additional three, provides basic security. The president holds little sway outside his palace and a few square blocks around his palace, while Al-Shabaab, a terrorist group affiliated with Al Qaeda, continues to strike in the city and across the country
Fictions are expensive. The United Nations and aid organizations are seeking upwards of $1 billion in aid this year just to provide immediate relief, and that figure is even greater when the price tag for AMISOM is factored in. Much of the aid, however, never reaches Somalis; Transparency International now ranks Somalia as the world’s most corrupt country. Rather than help Somalis, donations to Mogadishu often fuel factional fighting and drive Somalis into the arms of radicals and yet, despite his promise to turn Washington’s old ways on their head, the Trump administration policy in effect remains to throw good money after bad. In effect, Somalia has joined Pakistan and Egypt in an extortion racket whereby it demands endless aid to fight radicalism, but never defeats it for fear of losing an annual windfall which elites siphon for personal interests.
Not all of Somalia, however, embraces this cycle. As Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, Somaliland, ground zero for Somali dictator Siad Barre’s reign of terror, declared itself independent. Its claim was solid: during the colonial era, it was a British protectorate, distinct from the rest of Somalia, with internationally-recognized borders. All five UN Security Council members recognized its 1960 independence. To Somalilanders, its subsequent union with Somalia was voluntary, as was its exit against the backdrop of Somalia’s descent into chaos. Residents of the region also point out that the State Department’s traditional antipathy toward border changes rings hollow given Washington’s, the African Union’s and the broader international community’s recognition of South Sudan and Eritrea. True, neither of these countries is a success, but Somaliland already promises to be. Today, Somaliland includes twenty-eight percent of Somalia’s area and one-third of its population. Unlike Somalia proper, Somaliland has denied Al-Shabaab access to its territory. Hargeisa, its capital, is among the safest cities in Africa. Somaliland has contested elections, secured via biometric iris scans, and has had five peaceful transfers of power amongst rival parties. While Somaliland has its own currency, its economy is increasingly cashless: organic innovation and permeation of cell phones has allowed even its rural citizens simply to trade digital money by cell phone. Americans might still think “Black Hawk Down” when they think of Somalia, but Somaliland has become more like Sweden and Estonia in its e-practices.
In effect, Somaliland does everything right. So why does the United States ignore it? In the era of budget cutbacks, the State Department refuses to even put an office in Hargeisa akin to what it has in Iraqi Kurdistan or Taiwan. The Pentagon, for its part, has no regular liaison with their Somalilander counterparts, even though both counterterrorism missions and the war in Yemen enhance Somaliland’s strategic importance.
Here’s the problem: Somaliland’s ability to stand up to radicals and Al Qaeda-affiliated terrorists may not be endless. Somaliland spends one-third its budget on security, but Somalia refuses to provide it with any international funds channeled through Mogadishu. The situation is now so dire that Somaliland’s army and coast guard recruits must purchase their own guns in order to conduct the patrols which stabilize its 460-mile coastline, prevent weapons smuggling from Yemen, and deny Al-Shabaab access to its vast rural areas. While the UN has eased its arms embargo on Somalia in order to allow AMISOM to operate and to supply Somali government forces (who more often than not sell their weapons to the radicals for some quick cash), it continues to enforce an arms embargo on Somaliland that is an artifact of the situation in Somalia three decades ago.
Trump and National Security Advisor John Bolton are right to question foreign aid. Sponsoring parades in Bulgaria or art workshops in Central America have limited utility. But, every million dollars invested in Somaliland’s security could offset defense needs with a price tag several orders of magnitude higher. Somaliland seeks not tanks and modern fighter jets, but simply small arms and more patrol boats. The region’s willingness to invest more than fifteen-times proportionately what America’s NATO allies do in defense shows it is serious and not simply seeking subsidy for what it could otherwise achieve on its own. Somalia’s government might complain, but Washington need not kneel to Mogadishu. If Trump truly wants to end endless wars and American engagements abroad, perhaps it is time to embrace rather than ignore allies, bolster democracies and recognize that even at the height of its greatness, America has never truly gone it alone.
Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute.
USAID/DJIBOUTI Workforce Development Project: Graduation Ceremonies for 475 Trained Djiboutian Youth
DJIBOUTI CITY, Djibouti, August 8, 2019/APO Group/ — July 24th was an important day for 155 youth in Gabode who successfully completed 18 days of Work Ready Now! training under the USAID Workforce Development Program (WFD), implemented by Education Development Center (EDC) in collaboration with the National Agency for Employment, Training and Job Placement (ANEFIP). A total of 475 youth completed WRN training across all of Djibouti’s regions in July. A total of 1,624 youth have completed the training to date. ANEFIP Director General, USAID representatives and EDC’s Chief of Party were pleased to present the graduates with their training certificates.
During the closing ceremony, the Director General of ANEFIP, Mr. Mahamoud Omar Guelleh, encouraged jobseekers to seize any opportunity to gain work experience, no matter how small. He also advised them to register in ANEFIP offices. The WFD Head of Project, Mrs. Laura Dillon-Binkley, encouraged them to continue moving forward and to take initiative on their own to search for a job. A representative of USAID, Mr. Moussa Abdillahi, congratulated them for having completed the training and wished them good luck.
A total of 1,624 youth have completed the training to date
Through Work Ready Now! Training, participants gain self-confidence and preparation for the world of work. One participant at the Gabode training center said that, “to go into the field, one needs to be armed. This training is my weapon.” A participant from Tadjourah shared that, “before the training, I blamed everyone else for my situation. Now I am convinced that I am the master of my own future.”
Work Ready Now! is a competency-based training program consisting of 7 modules delivered over 76 hours. The first four modules focus on foundational skills that allow participants to better know and manage themselves, as well as to improve their skills in critical analysis, leadership, team work, communication, taking initiative, and resolving problems. The three remaining modules help youth understand risks in the workplace, the rights and responsibilities of employees and employers, as well as how to plan and manage their personal finances.
In 2018, 72 participants out of 359 interviewed stated that they had found a job within the months following the training. In collaboration with ANEFIP, as well as the Chamber of Commerce of Djibouti and the National Ministry of Education and Vocational Training, WFD will ensure there is a better link between job opportunities and qualified jobseekers to better facilitate durable job opportunities for youth. To participate, unemployed youth can register at the nearest ANEFIP office.
The United States Mission to Djibouti, which includes USAID/Djibouti, also promotes youth employment through English language training and vocational skills training for both refugee and Djiboutian youth.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of U.S. Embassy in Djibouti.