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Posts from the ‘Opinion’ Category


The State Department spent $1.5 billion on Somali democracy and built a dictatorship

by Michael Rubin  | July 27, 2020 12:09 PM

On July 25, Somalia’s appointed Parliament voted to oust Hassan Ali Khaire, the country’s prime minister. The move, which allows Somalia’s President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, also known as Farmajo, to consolidate greater power, caught the U.S. State Department by surprise. The move represents an intelligence failure and shines a light on a State Department policy on Somalia in free-fall.

Consider first the sheer scale of the United States’s investment in Somalia: The U.S. has spent tens of billions of dollars on Somalia in recent decades. After the Siad Barre government collapsed in 1991, the George H.W. Bush administration ordered 28,000 troops into the country in order to oversee the provision of humanitarian relief against the backdrop of warlord fighting and famine. Rather than help Somalia recover, the aid worsened the situation. It led Somali power brokers to horde aid as patronage while simultaneously starving rivals. By 2011, the international community had spent more than $50 billion to help stabilize Somalia without much to show for its investment.

Efforts to build up a unified, functional, and democratic Somali state during this period went nowhere. There were several false starts interspersed both with Islamist rule and Ethiopian intervention. In 2012, the Federal Government of Somalia replaced the Transitional Federal Government and became the 15th attempt to create a functioning government since Barre’s fall. The logic of the federal government’s creation was the acceptance that Somalia’s clan politics and the historical weight of Barre’s brutal dictatorship made centralized power unrealistic. Instead, Somalia’s six states — including Somaliland, which since 1991 has been functionally independent — would have local autonomy with only a loose association with the central government.

Because the central government had experienced a total collapse and Somalia did not have the capacity to hold meaningful elections, outside partners helped mediate negotiations to select parliamentarians based on a clan quota system. They in turn choose the president, who appoints the prime minister. To show how this works in practice, current Somali president Farmajo won the election in 2017, winning 184 votes out of 326 cast in a country with a total population at the time of 14.6 million. Through it all and over the past decade, the U.S. was investing hundreds of millions more dollars in the country, never mind that Transparency International ranked Somalia the world’s most corrupt country for each of the last 14 years.Recommended For YouHow Twitter has colonized and ruined media

Under Ambassador Donald Yamamoto, aid to Somalia more than doubled. Over the last year, not only did USAID contribute near $500 million,but Yamamoto successfully advocated debt forgiveness that forced American taxpayers to write off $1 billion in Somali debt, much of which was embezzled by some of the same figures with whom the U.S. now partners. Yamamoto wanted to give Somalia even more.

Back to Khaire: He was a deeply flawed character undeserving of the accolades bestowed upon him by Nicolas Berlanga, the European Union’s ambassador to Somalia. Earlier this month, Somalis said Khaire traveled to Qatar, which bankrolls top Somali politicians, Khaire included. After a week, he reportedly agreed to a power-sharing deal by which he would accept the illegal extension of Farmajo’s term but then in theory would be offered the position in a couple of years. When Khaire returned to Somalia, he reneged on the agreement and, with this weekend’s events, apparently suffered payback from a Parliament that too often sells votes to the highest bidder. Even if Parliament was sincere in its declaration that it ousted him because not enough progress had been made on election planning, a broader question remains why the U.S. was caught so off guard.

Consider the pattern: The U.S. Embassy in Mogadishu was blindsided when Mohamed Osman Jawari was ousted illegally as speaker of the Parliament so that Farmajo could put his own man in place. The embassy looked the other way when both Farmajo and Khaire illegally changed regional state presidents or manipulated elections in the South West State and Galmudug and tried to do likewise to the Jubaland and Puntland leaders. The embassy was asleep when Farmajo arranged the arrest of al Shabab defector Mukhtar Robow and the murders of several of his backers after Robow decided to contest elections democratically — and when Farmajo declared persona non grata U.N. envoy Nicholas Haysom, who criticized the move. Yamamoto was silent on, if not quietly supportive of, Farmajo’s efforts to destroy all previous ties between Mogadishu and the Somaliland government and his support of armed insurgents to undermine Somaliland’s stability.

In short, both through negligence and direction, Yamamoto did everything possible to empower Farmajo. In just the last year, he invested $1.5 billion in aid and loan forgiveness to a politician whose ambitions increasingly appear to mirror that of Barre than democracy or true federalism. That Farmajo, after winning Yamamoto’s approval for delaying elections, would move to kneecap a rival runs straight from the dictator’s playbook.

Perhaps Yamamoto believed partnering with an individual would be more important than care toward the system. Every time the State Department has pursued that strategy, be it with Saddam Hussein, Yasser Arafat, or Mobutu Sese Seko, the result has been disaster. Farmajo will be no exception, and U.S. national security is worse for it. In effect, whether through arrogance or incompetence, Yamamoto has directed billions of dollars to a new despot and done irreparable harm not only to Somalia’s democratic transition but also to the country’s future stability. He has wasted taxpayer money in a manner that would land anyone in the private sector in the unemployment line — if not in jail. It is time for Yamamoto to come home.

Michael Rubin (@Mrubin1971) is a contributor to the Washington Examiner’s Beltway Confidential blog. He is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and a former Pentagon official.


Democracy imperiled in Africa by ‘reformers’ turned dictators

It is often forgotten that the worst dictators are often, early in their careers, lauded as reformers. In Iraq, Saddam Hussein was initially embraced as a “pragmatist” by diplomats and journalists alike. In 1991, the Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded Burmese dissident Aung San Suu Kyi the Nobel Peace Prize; only in subsequent decades would she expose herself as an apologist for ethnic cleansing. Of course, she is not the only figure to sully the preeminent peace prize’s legacy.

In Africa, the trend of reformists becoming dictators has been especially acute.

In April 1976, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger declared that the United States supported black rule in Rhodesia, today’s Zimbabwe. He was cautious about Soviet and Cuban inroads among certain liberation movements. President Jimmy Carter, however, had no such caution. He drew parallels between Robert Mugabe’s Marxist Zimbabwe African National Union and the civil rights fight in the U.S. South. Mugabe was, therefore, a reformer and a social justice warrior. Many officials likewise greeted Isaias Afwerki as a democrat and reformer when he became Eritrea’s first president upon its 1993 independence. Indeed, Bill Clinton congratulated his Eritrean counterpart on “Eritrea’s good start on the road to democracy and free markets” when, in 1995, they met in the Oval Office. Diplomats likewise once praised Rwandan leader Paul Kagame for his progressive attitudes toward women and liberal approach to the economy, but most human rights groups today criticize him for intolerance to dissent and human rights abuses.

Now, it appears, another Nobel laureate, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, may be heading down the same path. Perhaps buoyed by the praise he receives on his frequent post-Nobel trips abroad, Abiy on Wednesday announced that he would remain in office beyond the end of his term. For all of Abiy’s enthusiastic and, at times, naive peacemaking abroad, his tenure has exacerbated ethnic tensions at home. Reelection was no certainty, but his decision to seek to hold power extra-constitutionally could precipitate conflict in Africa’s second-most populous country.

General Mark Milley’s welcome statement

Not to be outdone, Somali President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo has also signaled he seeks to delay elections and remain in power. Farmajo’s tenure has already seen a backsliding of democracy and resurgence of the al Qaeda-affiliated al Shabab terror group. If the deeply unpopular Farmajo tries to hold onto power, he will return Somalia into full-blown civil war.

The U.S., in recent years, may have diminished presence on the world stage, but the cards the White House and State Department have still matter. From a realist standpoint, Abiy and Farmajo are both weaker than they themselves admit or realize. Abiy may seek to become the new Mugabe, and Farmajo the new Siad Barre, but their respective peoples will not stand for it. Unbridled ambition will lead to civil war in their respective states. This is in no one’s interest. Rather than promote silly photo-ops with regional presidential summits, like that which the State Department’s Bureau of African Affairs plans for this coming week in Djibouti, the U.S. government should signal both to Abiy and Farmajo that they risk pariah status if they continue their undemocratic tendencies.

Central to President Trump’s international philosophy is the idea of restraint: The U.S. should not deploy its forces across the globe in pursuit of agendas that do not directly impact the security of the American homeland. In these troubled economic times, that makes sense, but it requires effective diplomacy now to avoid scenarios where state failure mandates far more expensive responses. The best way to promote regional security is to continue to cultivate democracy and provide a peaceful mechanism for ordinary citizens to hold ineffective leaders and would-be dictators to account.

Michael Rubin (@Mrubin1971) is a contributor to the Washington Examiner’s Beltway Confidential blog. He is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and a former Pentagon official.



Madaxweynaha Somaliland Mudane Muuse Biixi Cabdi waxaa aan ku tilmaami karaa Siyaasi bisil oo garanaya aqoona u leh marxalada maanta aduunku marayo,waa waayo arag u soo Joogey waayo badan.

Markaa Ciyaarata caruurta socod baradka ah ee gegeda siyaasada lagu ciyaaro ee caalamka kubad salaxan loo soo dhigay markey is haleelaan Muuse oo isagu Ciyaarta ku soo bartey Garoonkii farajare ee Sharabaadada maryaha lagu buuxiyey  ku soo ciyaarey in badana cagu dhiigeen sidii uu ugu ciyaareyey garoon aan loogu talagelin in lagu carbiyo ciyaartooy balse ay ka soo baxaan ciyaartooy ku soo dhug bartey farajare  kuwaas oo u dhigma ciidamada Kamaandowska loo yahaan ee aan soo jeedsan.

Umaleyn maayo waayo aragnimada Muuse Biixi ee dhinaca arimaha Siyaasada in la helayo gees Afrika cid uga horeysa balse waxaa la helayaa kuwo la mid ah:

  1. Muuse Biixi waa Madaxweynihii Somaliland ee ugu horeyey ee Dawlada Federalka Somaliya ka oohiya taariikhda intii Dawladii somaliya duntey Waa markii ugu horeysey ee dawlada Somaliya dawlad kale Xidhiidhka u Jarto( dawlada Gini)
  2. Xukuumada Somaliya Waxay geed dheer iyo mid gaaban ba u fuushey sidii Xukuumada Somaliland ee Muuse Biixi Madaxweynaha ka yahay inqilaab qorsheysan ku dumiso oo ay adeegsato dhaqaale,Diblamaasiyad iyo faragelin dhinac walba ah waayo waxay og yihiin in Xukumada Muuse Biixi la xisaabtayso hadhaagii Kacaankii 21 Oktbor ee uu hogaaminayey Siyaad Bare.
  3. Farmaajo Siyaasadiisa waxay ku Jahaysan tahay Afar qabiil oo ka mida kuwa Somaliyeed kuwaas oo uu ugu ciilqabo dhicitaankii xukuumadii Siyaad Bare kuwaas oo kala ah:
  4. Qabiilka Majeerteenka oo uu aaminsan yahay in ay sabab u ahaayeen in Dawladii Siyaad Bare dadka ku kiciyeen si ay xukunka uga tuuraan
  5. Qabiilka Isaaqa oo uu aaminsan yahay in iyaguna horseedeen in ay Xukunkii Siyaad Bare ilkaha ka gureen
  6. Qabiilka Hawiyaha oo uu ugu ciil qabo sidii ay isku kabaraaciyeen Jarna uga tureen
  7. Iyo Qabiilka Ogaadeenka oo uu Ku haysto Waxay garbadii uu saarnaa ka tureen Xukuumadii Siyaad Bare.

Sida ay aaminsan yihiin dad badani Madaxweyne Farmaajo wuxuu ka turjumayaa fikirkii buugii uu qorey eek u saleysnaa Cayda iyo cambaareynta Qabiilooyinka Somaliyeed qaar ka mida iyo difaacidii uu difaacayey Dawladii Siyaad Bare.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee Madaxweyne Biixi wuxuu kaga guuleystey Farmaajo waa waayo aragnimada iyo daacadnimada dalkiisa Somaliland.

Farmaajana wuxuu xaasidnimo iyo  cadaawad uu u qabo guud ahaanba dadka reer Somaliland iyo Somalida kalaba wuxuu geed dheer iyo mid gaabanba u fuuley sidii uu u soo nooleylahaa xasuuqii Adeerkii 1988 kii ilaa 1991 uu ku hayey dadka Somaliyeed kaas oo uu isagu xooga saarey dagaal dhinaca dhaqaalaha ah xitaa xoolihii arafadii dhaweed loo dhoofinayey Saudiga farmaajo iyo Xukuumadiisu waa kuwii isku dayey iney is hortaagaan.

Waxaa aan maqaalkan waxaa uu Jawaab u yahay Maqaal u muuqda in farmaajo soo qoray oo ku soo baxay  ciwaankiisuna yahay

Col. Muuse Biixi aqoon ku filan ma u leeyahay ka miro dhalinta hamiga Guud ee reer Somaliland

Waxaa aanu u aragnaa in nacayka muuse Bixxiye iyo Wadaniyada aynu kala barano cadowga Somaliland wuxuu neceb yahay Somaliland horumarkeeda balse ma neceb Muuse biixi shaqsiyan waayo waxay og yihiin in Muuse Biixi shaqsi yahay oo wuu iska tegeyo balse Somaliland waa qaran jiraya oo mar walba hogaamiye Somaliland ahi hogaamin doono.

Waa Qoraalkii  Rashiid Jamac

Waxaa aan u mahad naqayaa oo wax weyn ka qora qadiyada Somaliland si cilmiyeesana uga faaloodaa xaalada kolba jirta waxaan lee yahay guuleysta  group

Waa Qoraalkii  Rashiid Jamac



Maqaalka qoraalkeygan gaaban ka hooseeya ee manta oo 12 Dec 2019 waxaa ka soo qaatey waxaanan la yaabey heerka ay mareyso Somaliland amaanteeda in loogu cagajugleeyo muwaadiniinta Somaliland sidaa darted ayaa Sahra Ileys ugu muujinayaa taageero kaalinteeda.

Ugu horeynba Sahra Ileys shaqsi ahaan uma aqaan mana ihi dadka heesaha xiiseeya,balse waxaa jecelahay in aan Sahra Ileys u sheego in ay tahay muwaadinad Somalilander ah oo aaney Cidna uga habadeysanin taageerada dalkeeda iyo heesaha ay u qaado,dunidana sharci baa jira oo weliba hayadaha sharciga ee caalamka wixii ku cunsuridaaya meel kasta uu joogo waa la helaya dad aqoon sare u leh media yaha iyo raadadkiisana waa la helayaa aflagaado iyo hanjabaad midna xaq laguguma laha wixii kugu xad gudba waad dacweyn kartaa ama waad iska saamixi kartaa oo Alle ayaad u dhaafi kartaa taasi waa adiga iyo doorashadaa. Balse ha u jilcin dadka xanuunsanaya ee cudurka Somaliland nacaybku ku dhacay beryahan dambe waan kugu habyeyneynaa kaalintaada iyo Jacaylka dalkaaga Somaliland. Maqaalkii hadhwanaagnews na waa kane akhrista:

Fanaanadda Caanka Ah Ee Sahra Ilays Oo Sheegtay In Lagu Cunsuriyeeyey Heeso Ay U Qaaday Somaliland.

Hargaysa(HWN):- Fananada Caanka ah ee Sahra Ilays oo muuqbaahiya Sahan tv ugu waramaysay magalada Hargaysa,ayaa ka hadashay caqabadaha soo wajahay ,markii heedo badan wadanka Soomaliland ku amaantay una qaaday,

Fananada Sahra ilays ayaa sheegtay in markasta ay jeceshahay in wadanka Soomaliland ay u qaado heeso una qaadayso,waxanay fariin u dirtay dadka ku cunsuriyay heesaha ay u qaado dalka Soomaliland ee aflagaado iyo cajarafayn umaraniyay warbaahinta iyo mobilkeeda gacanta.

Fananada oo Umaraahasi ka hadlaysa ayaa tidhi”Horta Soomaliland inaan u heesa waa muqadas,sababta oo ah anigu gabadh reer Soomaliland ah ayaan ahay,inkasta oo media aha iyo dad badano kale baryhihii udanbeeyay ila soo hadlayeen,hees ay habeen dhawayd hablo la qaadaybay inbadan ila soo hadlayeen dal iyo dibadba,markaa waxay ilahayeen Sahraay maxaad had iyo jeer Soomaliland ugu heesta,adigu reer Soomaliland ma tihide,markaa aadbaan ugu qoslay,reer Soomaliland waan ahay oo isma lihi cidbaa ka xigta,waxay Soomalidu ku maahmahda,gabdhi waa dhaxdin ee dhalasho maaha soomalidu yidhaahdaan” ayay tidhi Sahra Ilays

Fananada oo hadalka sii wadata ayaa tidhi”Anigu Soomaliland iskay ayaan u jecelahay Reer Soomaliland na waan ahay bal cida iidiidaysa ee odhaynaysa Soomaliland ma tihid,de iyagay u taala, cayda ka mida,aflagadada lagu soo qorayo,qaarba intandanbe oo dhan isoo garacayay,wax alaale iyo waxay igala hadlayaan waan garan wayay,de awal anigu Soomaliland waan u heeshi jiray oo maanta iguma horayso oo heeso wadaniya waan qaadi jiray,imika waxa yimid ayaan garan waayay,lakiin waniigu shacabka Soomaliland waxaan u sheegayaa cida si toosa isoo garacayaa anigu Soomaliland waan ahay” ayay tidhi Fananad Sahra Ilays

Fananada ayaa mar la waydiyay in Soomaliland ay heeso danbe u qaadayso ayaa waxa ay kaga jawabtay sidan”sidee ugu qaadi wayay yaa iga joojinaya cidana igama joojinayso waan qaadayaa,imika qaarbaan soo saarayaa habeen dhawayd midbaan qaaday Soomaliland ku difaacayo,cid idiidi kartaana ma jirto cid iga hor istaagi kartaana ma jirto.”ayay tidhi Sahra Ilays.  

Source Hargaysa/Office



Marka aynu dhinac kasta ka eegno Somaliland waxa ku xeeran dalal aan intooda badani yihiin kuwo aaney ka dhalanba dimuqraadiyada casriga ahi oo weliba aanay ka jirin xasilooni siyaasadeed nabadgelyo iyo horumar bulsho. Tusaale fiican waxaa inoogu filan dalka ay Jaarka nahay ee Somaliya oo ah dal aan jirin dal ahaan balse u jira si qaynuuni ah oo caalamku sharci ahaan u aqoonsan yihiin dal balse ruux ahaan ah dal fashilmay, oo caalamkuna ku bixiyaan dhaqaale aad u balaadhan oo bilyans dollar ah oo lacag ah.

Somaliland beesha caalamku waxay markhaati ka tahay in ay horumar ka jirto dhinyada nabadgelyada, ismaamulka iyo jaar wanaaga.

Somaliland waxaa uu ka amaan wanaagsan yahay meelo badan oo dalalka horumarey ah,amaankiisuna waa mid laysku haleyn karo.

Weliba Somaliland waxay qayb weyn ka qaadataa degenaashaha iyo sugida nabada ee madaqada ay ku taalo.

Waa wadan aan la aqoonsan weli balse buuxiyey shuruudaha dawladnimada iyo wadan xor ah.Waa wadan inta badan ku hawlan arimihii gudaha,oo aan wax farogelina ku haynin jaarkiisa.

Somaliland iyada oo doorashooyin xora oo xalaal ah lagu doorto golayaashii iyo madaxweynaha iyo ku xigeenkiisa,oo caalamku markhaati ka yahay aaney jirin wax ka qarsoon caalamka ayaa hada cadaw lagu yahay jiritaankiisa,oo mar walba laysku dayaa in la mijo xaabiyo jiritaanka Jamhuuriyadan Curdunka ah.

Sida aan hada rumeysanahay burburka Jamhuuriyadan waxaa daneenaya kooxo kala duwan kuwaas oo kaleh ujeedooyin kala duwan waxaaney adeegsanayaan siyaasiin reer Somaliland ah oo iyagu aad dan iyo muraad toon aka lahayn dadkooda iyo dalkooda toona.

Sidaa aan qabo way og yihiin wayna la socdaan bulshada caalamku,dhaqdhaaqyada ka soo horjeeda dimuqraadiyada Somaliland,balse waxbaa si ka ah fashilaada kooxahaasi iyo dalalka ka dambeeyaba.

Balse waxaa aan hubaa in dadka iyo dalalka khatarka ku ah dimoqraadiyada Somaliland iney khatar ku yihiin nabadgelyada geeska Afrika iyo tan caalamkaba.

Ninka ama kooxda maanta oo lagu jiro wakhti caalamku tuulo yar yahay oo dhaqdhaqaaq iyo xarakooyinka socda si weyn loo wada og yahay malaha kooxda ama ninka qoriga u qaatey dal dimoqraatiya oo madaxweynihii ugu dambeyey uu hada hayey 2 sano oo qudha ee leh xoog baan xukun ku rabaa oo dadka iyo dalka Ayaan ka ridayaa dagaalo iyo burbur malaha waxba ma dhaamo ninkii mar dhexdaa ah sheegtey inuu yahay madaxweynaha Somaliland ee hadana inagu yidhi sidan:

Soo dhaweyntii Madaxweynaha

Jabhadan lagu dhawaaqayaana kama duwana uun arimaha aan ku dhisnayn caqliga iyo cilmiga ee lagu Khalkhal gelinayo nabadgelyada iyo dumuqraadiyada Somaliland.

By Dr. R Ahmed





Hayadaha Dawlada ee Shaqadoodu tahay amaanka airportda Somaliland iyo kuwa maamulaba waxaa looga fadhiyaa in ay ka jawaabaan eedeemahaasi loo soo jeediyey ee xisbiga wadani. Hadii ay xaqiiqo noqoto wararkaasina waa in uu is casilaa maareeyaha garoomada diyaaradaha Somaliland iyo wasiirka ay hoos yimaadaanba.

Hadii dacaayad tahayna waa in xisbiga wadani gudoomiyahiisu iscasilaa waliba sharciga la horgeeyaa cidii ka dambeysey.



Saxaafadu waxay Soo shaac baxday qiyaas ahaan 1780 yadii waxayna ku bilaabantay    warsidayaal  (newspapers) ilaa wakhtigaa laga soo bilaabo way koreysey,oo kolba heer bay mareysey.

Saxaafadu waxay qaab weyn oo muhiima ka qaadatey ama ka qaadataa qaabeynta maskaxda adamaha.

Saxaafadu waxay kaalin weyn ku leedahay kobcinta dhaqaalaha iyo horumarinta siyaasada ee muwaadiyiinta wadankasta oo caalamka ka midaba.Waxaay sameeysaa wergelin iyo wax isdhaafsi dhinacyada isgaadhsiinta ah oo muwaadiyiintu dalkooda siyaaba kala duwan ugu horumarin karaan.Saxaafadu waxay muhiim u tahay oo ay kobcisaa democracy ga iyo isku xukunka sharciga hadii ay hesho fursada madaxbanaanida si ay fariimaha u gaadhsiiso bulshada iyada oo aan cidna dulmin,kuna xadgudbin xoriyada aasaasiga ah ee umada,hayadaha dawladuna ka hor istaagin shaqadeeda in ay muwaadiyiinta gaadhsiiso wararka sugan ee muhiimka u ah dadka iyada oo aan cidna ka baqaneynin oo xor ah, qadarinta iyo isxushmeyntana lagu wada shaqeenayo.

Saxaafadu waxay qayb ka qaadataa dhisida bulsho domuqradiya oo isku tiirsan danahoodana ilaashanaya.


Somaliland waxa ay soomalida kale kaga horeysey taariikhda dhinaca saxaafada taas waxaa markhaati u ah radiyihii ugu horeyey ee Afka somaliga lagu baahiyaa wuxuu ahaa radio hargeysa 1941.

Xitaa Qorista Afsomaliga waxaa laga bilaabay Somaliland taas oo culimo reer Somaliland ahi qoreen buugag farsomali ah.

Dhinaca kale markii laanta afsomaliga ee BBC da la aas aasey wariyayaashii lagu aas aasey waxay ahaayeen kuwo reer Somaliland ah, Sidaa awgeed Saxaafada Somaliya ee casriga ah waxaa ay ka soo aas aasantay Somaliland.

Suxufiyiin badan oo magac iyo maamuus ku dhex leh bulshada somaliyeed ayaa ka soo dhexbaxay bulshada Somaliland.

Suxufiyaantaasi hore waa kuwa kor u qaaday wacyiga iyo xitaa horumarinta afka Somaliga,waxay ku soo kordhiyeen erey bixino afsomali ah oo cusub,waxayna kaalin weyn ka qaadeen qaabeynta saxaafada iyo doorkeeda in kasta oo dhinaca Somalida konfureed aan la dafiri Karin in ay suxufiyiinta ka soo jeedaa ay kaalin weyn iyaguba ku lahaayeen saxaafada Somalida gaar ahaan wixii ka dambeyey 1970 yadii hadana suxufiyiinta ka soojeeda Somaliland waxaa odhan karaa waa kuwa dhidibada u dhigay saxaafada somalida gaar ahaan Radio yaasha,iyo wargeysyada.

Hadana taariikhdooda iyo kaalintoodii taariikheed waa mid la ilowbay oo aan ku suntaneyn taariikhda saxaafada somalida taasina waa qayb ka mid ah taariikhda Somaliland ee aasan ee xitaa dadkeedu aaney rabin in taariikhda dadkooda iyo dalkooda ururiyaan halka kuwa somalida kale dadkoodu ururiyaan oo ay wax ka qoraan.

Taariikhda lunsan ee Somaliland saxaafada oo qudhi kuma koobna balse xitaa xisbiyaadii siyaasadeed ee Somaliland ee xoriyada keenay Ayaan ka muuqan meelaha taariikhaha lagu kaydiyo

Tusaale 1

Dawladii kala dabeyey ee Somaliya waxay taariikhda xoriyada Somaliya si weyn ugu buunbuuniyeen xisbigii SYL ee konfurta halka aan taariikhda lagu xusin xisyadii SNL, USP iyo NUF oo aan xitaa aas aasayaashoodii la xusin halka 13 kii dhalinyarada ahaa ee SYL meel walba magacyadooda iyo taariikhdooda laga helayo intii ay Somali dawlad yeelateyna la xusayey dugsiyadana lagu dhigayey xagey qabatey dadkii aasaasey ee dhidibada u taagey Somaliland siyaasadeeda saxaafadeeda iyo aqoonta iyo waxbarashada somaliya oo dhan.

Tusaale 2

Halgamayaashii xoriyada Somalida kuwa ugu taariikhda weyni waxay ahaayeen kuwii ka soo jeedey Somaliland saxaafadu wax weyn kama qorin:

  1. Sayid Maxamed Cabdule xasan  (keligii ayaa laga xusaa aadna wax looga qoray)
  2. Farax Omaar (wax badan laga sheego)
  3. Sheekh Bashiir (wax ba lagama sheego)
  4. Axmed Gurey (Wax yar baa laga qorey)

Saxaafadu waxa qayb muhiima oo dadka u gudbisa taariikh,warar,aqoon iyo wacyi gelin.

Saxaafadu waxay isla bedeshay isbedelka Technology ee Caalamka waxaana maanta ku soo biirey qaybo cusub oo wararka ,fariimaha,aqoonta,madadaalooyinka laysku gaadhsiiyo kuwaas oo la kowsadey internatka iyo www ka.

Sidaa darteed waxaa isbedel ku yimi qaabkii iyo shuruucdii caalamka ee lagu dhaqayey saxaafada madax banaanideeda, iyo privacy, balse saxaafada Somaliland weli ma helin sharciyo si fiican ula jaanqaadaya saxaafada iyo madaxbanaanideed. Taasina waa ta keenta inay iska horyimaadaan hayadaha sharciga iyo suxufiyiintu.

Saxufiyiintu waa iney noqdaan kuwo aqoon u leh shaqada saxaafada, hayadaha fulintuna waa in ay noqdaan kuwo aqoon u leh xeerarka saxaafada iyo qaabka loola dhaqmo suxufiga labaduba waa in ay u diyaarasan yihiin hawlaha ay qabanayaan,balse ma muuqato fahan iyo wadashaqayn dhinaca sharciga ah oo ay labada dhinac ilaalinayaan taasina waa caqabada ay mar walba la kulmayaan saxafiyiintu.

Ciidamada amaanka waa in la siiyaa tababaro ku saabsan saxaafada iyo sida loola shaqeeyo waana in ay fahansan yihiin xoriyada saxaafada iyo wixii xadgudub ah iyo qaabka loo maareeyo,saxaafadu waa in ay noqoto mid dhexdhexaad ah oo gudanaysa uun xilkeeda saxaafadeed.

Tusaale 3

Hadhwanaagnews oo ka mid ah saxaafada madaxa banaan ee Somaliland ayaa dhawaanahan xanibaad kala kulantay Somaliland arintaasi waxay u baahan tahay in hadhwanaagnews na is saxdo oo ay dib iskugu noqoto,hayadaha sharciguna is saxaan oo dib iskugu nodaan iyada oo la kaashanayo sharciga iyo nidaamka dalka. Suxifiyiintana tacadiyada laga daayo wixii qalad ah ee jirana lagu dhameeyo Isfahan iyo sharciga saxaafada.

Anigu shaqsiyan xogogaal uma ihi waxaa la isku hayo, balse rayigayga waxaan u arkaa in saxaafada xoriyada madaxbanideeda la wada ilaaliyo saxaafaduna ilaaliyo dhexdhaxaadnimada iyo hubinta waxa ay ka warameyso xaqiiqadeeda mar walba danta dalkana laga horumariyo wax kastaba oo saxaafaduna qaranimada ilaaliso.

Ugu dambeyntii waxaa aan qabaa kuna talinayaa hayadaha fulinta iyo kuwa garsoorka in saxaafada iyo suxufiyiinta gudashada waajibkooda lagu ilaaliyo loona arko kuwo gudanaya waajibaad qaran oo ay ku saxayaan dhaliilo jira marwalbana lagu gacansiiyo gudashada waajibkooda lana ilaaliyo naftooda,hantidooda iyo sharaftooda suxufiyiinta xidhana la siidaayo arintoodana lagu xaliyo qaabka shuruucda saxaafada.

Suxufiyiintana waxaa laga rabaa in ay ku sifoobaan dhexdhaad,xaqiiqo ka waran,ilaalinta sharciyada saxaafada iyo dhaqanka suxufiga waxaad haysaan hawl adag oo u baahan aqoon,taxadir iyo hufnaan badan.

Waad mahadsantihiin Dhamaantiin

M J Farah

Certified Microsoft Innovative Educator



Nin baa laga hayey waar goorma ayaa Dr. Cabdiraxmaan Ciro Xilkii Wadani ee Gudoomiyaha dhiibey.Markaa ayaa mid kale ugu Jawaabey Xilkii Xisbiga muu dhiibin maalin gelinkeede markii uu Shahaadada Sare ee Ph.D. Diyaarinayey ayuu soo kordhiyey Qabdhismeedkan Cusub ee Xisbiga wadani kaas oo ah thesis kii Cilmibaadhista ee uu sameyey ayuu ku daah furay in Xisbiyadu yeelan karaan wakhti isku mida xilal isku mida taas ayuuna ku saleeyey dhismaha xisbiga

  1. Gudoomiyaha ku-meel gaadha Xisbiga Wadani( Cabdulqaadir Jirde)
  2. Hogaamiyaha  Xisbiga  Wadani  (Xirsi Xaaji)
  3. Gudoomiyaha Xisbiga Wadani (Cabdiraxmaan Ciro)

Saddexdaa Xilba waa kuwo Shaqeenaya oo saddex qof ku kala magacaaban yihiin balse shaqada ay hayaan waa isku mid waana isku macne iyo isku hawl.

Mudane Cabdiraxmaan Wuxuu maanta ku soo kordhiyey Saddex xildhibaan oo uu u magacaabey Xubno ka mida Hogaanka Xisbiga Wadani.

Xisbiga Wadani Khuburada iskugu tagtey waxay ina barayaan nidaam cusub oo dhismaha axsaabta casriga ah ee hal jago oo keliya saddex qof oo kala duwani maamulayaan.

La soco qaybaha kale…….


Somaliland Can’t Wait for Recognition to Address Monopolies

October 25, 2019

By Michael Rubin

Somaliland is an unlikely success. Somali dictator Siad Barre’s genocidal wrath destroyed more than 80 percent of Hargeisa, Somaliland’s capital city, and leveled other towns. And yet, despite a lack of formal international recognition or external assistance, it has reconstructed its cities and built a communications infrastructure that rivals any country in Africa if not beyond.

Berbera port

In contrast, Somalia receives generous assistance from traditional donors like the United States, European Union and World Bank. Between 1991 and 2011, Somalia received more than $50 billion in aid. Excluding humanitarian and security assistance, development aid from the traditional donors alone is considerably is above $1 billion annually. Increasingly—and with less transparency—from Turkey and Qatar.   In one day in November 2018 when both the European Union and World Bank approved new aid totaling $250 million for Somalia, intended mainly for   budgetary support. New aid in that one day is more than the entire annual budget of Somaliland, which is raised through taxation.

The impact of foreign aid on people’s lives in Somalia has been limited, however, due both to corruption and poor absorptive capacity. While a significant portion of donor funds goes directly into government coffers, Somalia has failed to distribute it equitably throughout the country.  By sheer necessity, therefore, Somaliland has established a taxation system, which has built capacity and created a more sustainable economy not dependent on continued assistance from the donor community.

Somaliland’s economic stewardship is generally good. It spends about two-thirds of its budget on maintain peace and security, given the general volatility in that region, and on governance. The remainder is spent on basic services like health and education. There is little excess available for development. Although the United Kingdom, Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Germany do provide some additional development assistance and have created a Somaliland Development Fund, albeit at $15 million per year, this remains several orders of magnitude below what Somalia receives.

While it is easy for Somaliland to compare itself favorably to Somalia, such a comparison should not be reason to stop reform within Somaliland. Somaliland’s businessmen have done well not only in bringing clan leaders to the table for peace talks when the rest of Somalia descended into chaos, but also for their efforts to seek not subsistence, but first world standards. That is certainly the case with Somaliland’s two large cell phone companies, Telesom and Somtel, which maintain not only a cell phone system that competes globally in terms of quality and technology, but also established a financial system to enable a virtually cashless economy for which many developed countries strive.

Somaliland’s business climate also increasingly attracts multinational firms. Coca Cola maintains its second-largest African bottling plant in the country. Somalia, despite the privileges that come from international recognition, has been unable to attract significant private investment. While Turkey brags about its investment in Mogadishu’s airport and port, the Emirati investment in the Port of Berbera and Berbera’s airport is more sustainable and, from a commercial standpoint, wise. Berbera already serves a lucrative trade corridor to Ethiopia, and the conversion of its airport to a logistical cargo hub could bring both Emirati investors and Somaliland tens of millions of dollars in profits and fees. As corruption hobbles Djibouti and China leverages its investment to undercut Djibouti’s traditional even playing field, Somaliland could fill the gap in importer-of-record trade.

Still, as important as private enterprise has been to Somaliland, a lack of regulation and consolidation of monopoly control can undermine the progress already made. Competition must be the bedrock of free markets. When any company or interest grows too powerful, it can be tempted to shut out upstarts, not with quality of product but rather with control over financial infrastructure. Somaliland still lacks modern banking which can offer loans for small businesses as well as startups at more competitive rates.  The absence of completive banking system, especially conventional banks, has been attributed to opposition from religious groups as well as from the locally dominant banks.  On one hand, the fact that the conventional banking sector is well-established in almost all Muslim countries would suggest that those countries have found a way to combine the principles of conventional and Islamic banking. On the other hand, should monopolies effectively leverage clerics to shut out a more modern banking sector, it will do harm to longer-term prospects for Somaliland, even if it might be to the short-term economic interest of some major firms. A lack of government regulation and consolidation of the finance sector within just a few companies also puts the entire population’s holding at risk should any business investment among those owning the banks fail. Modern banks must be transparent; privately-owned companies are opaque.

Those monopolistic tendencies go beyond the banking sector. While some companies gained their monopoly status through business prowess and provision of much-needed services, their current suppression of competitors undercuts job prospects for Somalilanders. High unemployment among young men has already led to an uptick in crime, although nothing compared to what occurs in Mogadishu. Idle youth also provide openings for outside extremists to try to radicalize disaffected youth.

Somaliland is not now in danger, but its success may be tarnished if Somalilanders blame their problems only on the lack of international recognition—something which will likely come sooner rather than later as Somalia falls farther behind and teeters on the brink of chaos. If Somaliland is to take the next step and position itself not only to be Africa’s newest state but also among its more sustainable and prosperous ones, its political and commercial leadership must together address the need for basic regulation on financial services and set a framework for fair competition which encourages greater innovation and broader economic growth.

Michael Rubin

Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington, DC.Share7

Source: Wardheer news



Waxay ahayd aroornimo Arbaca ah 10:00 barqanimo ee 24 July 2019, waxaa aan dhex lugeenayey wado cidhiidhi ah ee  suuqa gobanimo. Mudo laga joogo 23 Sano ah ayaa aan ka maqnaa magaalada Hargeysa,xiiso badan baan u qabey bal in aan wax badan ka ogaado,magaaladii aan ku dhashay kuna soo barbaarey, waxna ku soo bartey  Dugsiga Hoose,Dhexe New Hargeisa ,Shacab Boy,  ilaa dugsiga Sare Farah Oamar na ku dhameystey, bal xaalkeeda guud.Sidaa darteed waxaa aan u fiirsanayey wax kasta oo iga soo horbaxa dhegtuna waa I taagneyd . Waxaa dhegehayga ku soo duuley Ereyadaan iyo kuwo u dhow oo cabasho ah:

Meel la isku dhaafo ma jirto,ee iska suga inta jidku furmayo

I. Suuqyada

 waxay ka soo burqanayeen hooyoyin qudaarta ku gada magaalada hargeysa,gaar ahaan suuqa gobanimo, waa wadhatada qudaarta,balse dhibku iyaga oo qudha ma haysato,ee ganacsatada suuqa oo dhani waa la qabaan,dhibta xitaa suuqa gobanimo oo keliya ma aha ee cidhiidhigu meel walba waa ka jiraa, qof kastaaba waa dareemi karaa dhibta,cidhiidhiga.

Su’aalshii ugu horeysey ee aan isweydiiyey waxay ahayd:-

Hadii ay dhibaato la xidhiidha caafimaadka iyo badbaada (Health and Safety) maxaa ka dhalan kara suuqan?

Waxaa ku qiimeyey in aaney diyaar garow ku saabsan ka hortaga iyo u gurmasho midna aaney jirin ma ka helaysid calaamada khatarta,kama muuqdaan hadii dhibi ka dhacdo suuqa meela laga bixi karo ee dadku amaan bidi karaan, suuqaa dhami ma laha gargaar degdega ( FIRST AID) oo ay tahay meherad walba inay taalo sanduuqa yare  ee Gargaarka Degdeaga ah (FRIST AID KID).

Waxaa aan u doortey Su’aashaasi waxa ugu horeeya ee laga fikiro waa badbaada iyo nabadgelyada dadka sidaa darteed waa in muhiimada kowaad noqotaa suuqa in uu noqdo mid u diyaarsan ka hortaga dhibaato kasta oo ka dhalata hawlaha kala duwan ee nolol maalmeelka suuqa.

Hadaba Shaqadaa yaa u xilsaaran oo masuul ka ah? a- Ganacsatada b- Dawlada hoose

Iyo c– haydaha dabdamiska d- caafimaadka iyo Qofkasta oo ku nool goobtaa ama joogaa xilbaa kasaaran, caafimaadka iyo badbaadada suuqa.

Golaha deegaanka ee hargeysa,waxay ahayd shaqadooda loo doortey iney ugu horeyn xooga saaraan Caafimaadka iyo Badbaadada (Health and Safety) oo Caasimadu noqoto mid u qalanta caasimad leh arimaha aas aasiga ah ee Caafimaadka iyo Badbaadada ,qorsheyntooda, ku ilaalinta sharciga kormeerida iyo qiimeynta.

Ma waxaa la aqbali karaa magaalo madax intaas oo Gole deegaan leh in magaalada xitaa xafiiyada dawlada laga heli karan hal sanduuq oo ay ku jiraan agabka Gargaarka Degdega ah(First Aid Kid), iyo dad u tababaran oo caawiya marka qof u baahdo gargaar degdega inta gurmadka caafimaad soo gaadhayo.

Arinta Kale ee u baahan in laga fikiro waa Qabka loo agaasimo laydhka oo aan waafaqsaneyn qawaaninta Caafimaadka iyo Badbaadada (Health and Safety Regulations).

Magaalada Hargeysa iyo kuwo kaleba 0% waxay ku guuldareysteen in ay dabaqaan (basic standard health and safety international regulations).

II. Laydhka Hargeysa

Marka laga hadlayo laydhka waa in maskada lagu hayaa wadhaha ah Ugu horeyn  laydhka Badbaadada (Electrical Safety First).Waxaa ay xadhkaha laydhku ka wada laalaadaan qoryo aad u daciifa oo aad iska xajin Karin xitaa dabeyl yar oo soo dhacda leedheeda waxaa aad arkaysaa in aaney 10% ku habooneyn qodimada laydhka ee magaalada dhexdeedu laga taagey oo aaney safety ahayn, waxaa khatarta ay xadhka laydhku geesan karaan ka tahay 90% ma jirto cid kormeertaa cid masuuliyadeeda leh oo lagula xisaabtamayaa lama sameeyo test iwm.Waxaad arkeysaa xitaa qabka loo geliyo laydhka guryahu in aanu lahayn xitaa waafaqsaneyn nidaamka laydhgelinta ee caalamiga ah,ma jirto cid kula xisaabtanta shirkadaha laydhka aqoonta shaqaalaha geliya laydhka lama qiimeeyo,inanka laba cisho la tuso ayaa farsamo yaqaan loo yaqaan ama engineerba ah. Waxaa laga yaabaa kuwii aqoonta u lahaa in ay shaqo la’aan yihiin oo aan waxbaba loo diran.

Dadkii hawshaa lahaa waxay ku mashquulsan yihiin hawlo kale oo aan cidiba u diran, Haday Golaha degaanka tahay,hadey tahay dawladaha hoose kuwa gobolada,haydaha tayada iyo dawlada dhexeba waxaa shaqo laga dhigtaa Siyaasad iyo arimo kale oo aan loo idman waxaa aan qabaa in eeda aanay lahay cid qudha balse dhamaan ilaa goloyaashii kala duwanaa ee degaanda maayaradii kala dambeyey intuba ku guul dareysteen in ay wax ka qabtaan dhibaatada taala caasimada Hargeysa intuba waa dad u dhashay Magaalada mana dhibayso qaab darada iyo khatarta caasimadu markaa wax kale ma jiraane: kuwii aanu dooranay baa na khiyaamay!

Goldaloolooyinka iyo dayaca aan ku soo arkey hargeysa waa ka badan tahay labadaa aan xusey balse waxaa aan soo arkey magaalo ooyeysa daranyada iyo dayaca ka muuqda Jidadkeeda iyo guud ahaanba adeegii la filayey in ay fuliso, hargeysi waxay hooy u tahay dad kor u dhaafaya 1M oo qof waxaa ku jira dadkaasi :

-Madaxweynayshii qaranka soo marey ilaa kan hada, Ku-xigeenadoodii,golayasha qaranka,Madaxda Xisbiyada Wadani iyo UCID, Wasaaradaha iyo wasiirada heer qaran , Ganacsatada waaweyn ee Somaliland Sida Dahabshiil, Somcable iyo qaar kale. Intaas oo Culeys ah baa saran cid wax u qabatana waa la layahay xitaa qorshe wanaagsan oo magaalo madax baan diyaar u ahayn oo loo diyaarin mustaqbalka.



Waxay ahay 21 Oktoobar 1969 kii Maalin Salaasa ah 3saac ee habeenimo,kolkii Saraakiishii ugu sareysey Ciidamadii Somaliya,ay afgabi kula wareegeen xukunkii dalkii Jahmuuriyada Somaliya.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee waxaa dadkii Somaliyeed ku soo dhaweeyeen heeso,iyo caleemo qoyan,waxaana dadku aaminsanayeen in ciidamadu ka dhiidhiyeen dhibaatooyin dhinaca siyaasada ,cadaalad la’aanta musuqa iyo eexda.Arintaasina waa mida u saamaxday in si niyad leh dadkii Somaaliyeed u soo dhaweeyaan.

Waxay Kooxdii Afgambiga ku qabsatey xukunku ku dhawaaqeen in dastuurkii dalka la laalay,wakiiladii laka direy la sameeyey Golaha Saree e Kacaanka,hogaamiyana uu u yahay Gen.Maxamed Siyaad Bare oo markaa ahaa Taliyihii Ciidamada muratiriga ee Somaliya.

Waxay soo saareen laba axdi oo ku saleeyeysan qodoba 13 ka kooban oo lagu dhaqayo siyaasada gudaha iyo debeda.

Dhalashada Kacaankii 21 Oktobar waxa dhiiga oo ku daatey ma jirin am acid kala hortimi xoog oo iska cabin kalama kulmin la wareegida xukunka,taasina waa tay iskugu magacdareen kacaankii aan dhiig ku daadan.

Bilowgii 4 sano ee ugu horeeyey waxaa kacaanku u muuqday mid dhiga horumarka iyo dal dhiska u socda,waxaa kordhay wax qabad ka sida Qoristii Afka Somaliga oo uu hirgeliyey,waxbeerashada oo la dhiirigeliyey,isku tashi dhinaca wax qabadka ah oo soo muuqanayey,waxaa aan taasna saldhig u ahaa dhalinyaro aqoon fiican leh oo xilal muhiima u magacaabey kacaanku hawl geliyey iyagu aqoontoodii uga faa’iideyey dalkoodii.

Kacaankii 21 Oktobar ee uu hogaaminayey Gen.Maxamed Siyaad Bare wuxuu Siyaasadii Dalka u jaheeyey dhinacaa iyo Shuuciyadii wuxuuna xidhiidh fiican la sameystey dalalkii Midowgii Sofiyeeti iyo isbahaysiyadoodii ,waxaana la abuuray xisbi hantiwaag ah Bishii Julay 1976 kaas oo saldhig looga dhigay siyaasada dalka ee dhinyada dhaqaalaha bulshada iyo ideology yadaba. Waxaa la abuurey Ciidamo loogu magac darey Guul-wadayaal oo ka kooban dadkii aan waxbaran ee aqoontoodu hoosaysey,waxaa la abuurey hawl wadaano xisbi oo aan iyagana lagu xushey wax loogu yeedhay kacaan yahano iwm dadkaasi oo 85% ahaa dad aan xitaa dugsi hoose ka bixin ,balse bartey afsoomaliga sida loo qoro ama qaarkood waxna akhriyi Karin waxna qori Karin oo ah ma gudbayaal.

Dadkii aqoonta,waya aragnimada lahaa ee hawlwadeegana iyo madaxda ka ahaa xafiiyada dawlada waxaa kacaanku u arkay kacaandiid oo shaqooyinkii baa laga fadhiisiyey,qaarna xabsiyada ayaa loo taxaabey,halkoodiina waxaa lagu bedelay dadkii aan aqoontaba lahay eek a soo gudbay koogagii aan waxba baran balse kacaanku u aqoon yaday kacaamiin daacad u ah kacaanka.

Maalintaa laga bilaabo waxaa bilawdey Burburkii aqoonta,waayo aragnimada,ee hawlwadeenadii meshiinka u ahaa shaqada dawlada,waxaana timi in nin aqoonyahana oo garanaya shaqada uu hoostago mid aan xitaa dugsi hoose ka qaadan shahaado,oo aan fahansaneen shaqada loo magacaabey balse bilada xisbii hantiwadaaga laabta ku sita oo loo gu yeedho kacaan,kaadir,hawlwadeen iwm.

Dhibaatooyinka uu Kacaankii 21 Oktobar uu soo gaadhsiyey Dalkii la odhan jirey Jamhuuriyadii Somaliya ma aha mid lagu soo koobi karo maqaalo iyo wax la mida,balse waa mid taagan ilaa hada waxaase lagu xusuustaa Arimahan:

  1. Xasuuqii Wadaadii ka horyimi Xeerkii Qoyska ee iyaga oo xaq ku doodaya lagu toogtay Xaqii ay sheegayeen.
  2. Xasuuqii Saraakiishii hogaaminayey dagaalkii 1977 kuwoodii ugu mudnaa ee dhagta dhiiga uu u darey Kacaankii 21 Oktbobar
  3. Xasuuqii 1978 kii ee Gobolada Dhexe markii majeerteenka lagu eedeyey inay inqilaab dhicisoobey dhigay.
  4. Xasuuqii 1984 kii Dadka rayidka ah ee iyaga oo ducaysanaya inta la soo qabqabtey lagu xasuuqay wakhtii uu taliyaha qaybta 26 uu ka ahaa Gen. Gaani gobolada waqooyi.
  5. Duqaytii iyo Dhiig bixii Magaalooyinka Hargeysa,Burco,Barbara, ee lagu dilay tiro boqolaal kun kor u qaaftey oo dad rayida ah Caruur,waayeel,iyo haweenba lahaa
  6. Dadkii Lagu Xasuuqay Gabiiley.
  7. Dadkii lagu xasuuqay xeebta Jasiira ee Muqdisho

Iyo in badan oo aan halkan lagu soo koobi Karin balse lahayo Data tooda oo ku hafidan meelo badan,hadii aynoqoto hayadaha caalamiga ah ee xuquuqda adamaha,dawladaha caalamka iyo Jimciyada Quruumaha ka dhaxaysa intuba waa laga helayaa xasuuqii uu geystey Kacaankii 21 Oktoobar waxaana lagu xusuustaa Kacaankii Xalaashaday dhiiga dadkiisa astaantiisuna waa Kacaankii “KACAANKII KU DHASHAY DHIIG LA’AANTA BALSE DAADSHAY DHIIGII UGU BADANAA TAARIIKHDA SOMALIDA INTA LA OG YAHAY!”

Arinta xiisaha lahi wali lama hayo cadaalad la horkeenay dadkii ka dambeyey xasuuqaasi balse waxaa lahayaa in Dawlada Federalka ee Somaliya u haysato Halyeyo qaran dadkii fuliyey xasuuqaasi aan qarsoomeyn ugu dambeyntii xasuuqayaashu waa ay helidoonaan abaalkooda mar uun ama Dunida ama Akhiro oo Allah ayaa Xisaabindoona hadii ay isleeyihiin dunida waa ku qarsoomaysaan oo dawlada Federalka ah ee Somaliya ayaa idin difaacaysa Alle (swt) cid kama difacidoonto. Dawlada Somaliya ee hadana waa qayb ka mid ah Kacaankii Siyaad Bare oo waxaaad kagaran kartaa ficilada xasuuqdoonka ah iyo habdhaqanka bulshada Somaliyeed ula dhaqanto.


Somalia must explain missing cash before receiving more foreign aid

by Michael Rubin October 21, 2019 02:15 PM

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said in a January 2010 speech that “development was once the province of humanitarians, charities, and governments looking to gain allies in global struggles. Today it is a strategic, economic, and moral imperative — as central to advancing American interests and solving global problems as diplomacy and defense.” President Trump has been more dubious about the utility of foreign aid but has nonetheless allowed much of it to continue.

The international donor community has become its own lobby. Often, diplomats and donors believe the benefits of humanitarian assistance trump its drawbacks (although a new book by my colleague challenges that assumption). Corruption is often downplayed or ignored. To World Bank employees, for example, Paul Wolfowitz’s greatest sin during his short tenure at the helm was to prioritize anti-corruption accountability.

Somalia may provide a test case for Trump, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and their seriousness to reform foreign assistance. The Horn of Africa country received more than $50 billion in aid between 1991 and 2011 and hundreds of millions of dollars annually in U.S. aid ever since. U.S. Ambassador to Somalia Donald Yamamoto has promised to increase that amount.

Reports have now emerged that $18 million in aid from the European Union, Saudi Arabia, and the United Nations have disappeared. The government received the funding, but it did not pass through the Treasury’s account at the Central Bank. $18 million might be a pittance compared to the total aid Somalia receives, nor is it the only money that has disappeared. Transparency International has listed Somalia as the world’s most corrupt country for 16 years running. But, that $18 million could be a useful test for Prime Minister Hassan Khaire as he comes to Washington to ask for even more aid from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.

Pompeo and every senator on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee should demand that President Mohamed Farmajo and Khaire account for the $18 million before Somalia receives any more assistance. There was a chain of custody for that money, and it should not be difficult to determine through whom it last passed and who along its path lives above their means.

To suspend international assistance until Farmajo and Khaire can account for the missing money would signal accountability. An aid suspension might also enhance security, especially as corruption is one of the leading catalysts for violence in Somalia. In contrast, to enable assistance to move forward despite apparent embezzlement sends the signal that the World Bank, IMF, and the United States are not serious about the need for Somalia to reform.

Somalia’s endemic corruption also undermines the strategy of Yamamoto and international organizations the U.S. influences to channel money through Mogadishu to enable Somalia’s government to build patronage. That theory was questionable from the start and suggests tremendous ignorance of Somali history, but turning a blind eye to corruption undercuts whatever potential success the Mogadishu-first strategy might otherwise have had.

Hillary Clinton was correct that foreign assistance can bolster American interests, but Trump is right that too often in the past it was granted without clear reasons and accountability. The State Department and international organizations are content to conduct business as usual. The questions now are these. Is Trump serious about his desire to restore accountability and tie American interests to money granted directly by U.S. agencies or indirectly through international organizations? Second, do Khaire and Farmajo believe Somali government appointments are meant to rebuild the country or simply to enrich their appointees?

Michael Rubin (@Mrubin1971) is a contributor to the Washington Examiner’s Beltway Confidential blog. He is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and a former Pentagon official.


Political examples from Africa

By:Sherin Helal, Tuesday 15 Oct 2019

The success of the break-away Republic of Somaliland and other examples show the limits of Western political thinking on Africa, writes Sherin Helal

While Somalia has achieved notoriety in Africa as the most striking example of a failed state and the continent’s biggest battlefield, it has nevertheless also been able to present a model in the form of the autonomous Republic of Somaliland in the north of the country. This has not gained international recognition, but it retains the elements of a state capable of providing basic rights of life and coexistence.

It had been evident since 1988 that the Somali National Movement had long been in favour of the secession of the north when it raised its flag over the towns and cities it had seized control of with the expulsion of government forces. On 18 May 1991, the movement announced the formation of the Republic of Somaliland headed by Abdel-Rahman Ahmed Ali Nur, saying that it would be ready to hold free-and-fair elections within two years. In Somalia’s capital Mogadishu, the Somali Congress refused to adopt this declaration, pushing aside the separatist option and causing the Somali state to verge on internal collapse and ongoing instability.

However, since its unilateral declaration of independence in 1991, Somaliland has enjoyed independent administrative and political systems. It manages its sea and land borders through its army, police and security apparatus. Having a population of about 3.5 million, it maintains informal relations with many foreign governments that have sent delegations to the capital Hargeisa.

Ethiopia has commercial offices in Hargeisa, and relations between the two countries are highly regarded. Ethiopia has also set up a number of hospitals in areas that have special status with regional and international organisations. The new state is the result of a political and tribal consensus among the people of the region, and traditional tribal leaders have played a pivotal role in preventing tribal clashes.

 Although no other country officially recognises it, Somaliland has issued its own passports that enable holders to visit a number of countries, though most people who travel abroad use the passports of other countries. Somaliland receives part of the aid budget allocated to Somalia in general and has informal representative offices in a number of countries.

It has succeeded, unlike many of the surrounding countries, in overseeing the peaceful transfer of political power, as all its presidents have handed power to their successors through elections. Women are guaranteed representation in parliament, fortified by a state constitutional quota that reaches up to 30 per cent of the seats. Neither UN monitoring reports on elections nor UN Development Programme (UNDP) reports on human rights have registered significant violations in Somaliland, especially compared to the magnitude of such abuses in Mogadishu.

The earlier civil war in Somalia continued for decades, during which several foreign military interventions took place, starting with the United States followed by the United Nations and then the African Union and the IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority on Development) countries in the Horn of Africa. The case of Somalia is unique, and it raises many questions that may take years to answer. It is a regional and international arena open to politics, war, economics and even education and exploration in which international players have been represented with their own arms and tools for influence in the region.

Ranging from a superpower such as the United States all the way to Arab Gulf states such as the United Arab Emirates, foreign powers have been represented in the region through financing or involvement in military conflicts. Even Turkey has opted for a foothold that will enable it to exert an influence that appears to be economically and political imperialist. Few major powers seem to be absent from the scene, which has made it difficult for political observers to invite all the parties to meet at the table of reconciliation.

The circumstances and causes that separate states into states do not explain the absence of international recognition for the current political status quo in the country. We cannot predict the timing of such recognition when it comes, and it might be sooner rather than later. However, the delay of such recognition acts as pressure on Mogadishu to force it to accept the political and economic ambitions of the international powers.

All this is one example that forces political analysts to accept Africa’s own unique contributions to political science. Somaliland, Rwanda and Morocco have each presented a different approach to popular consensus as a form of government that political science, in its Western definition, refuses to recognise as good governance.

The Somaliland case enjoys its own form of political and economic stability to a dramatic extent and one unrelated to that of traditional democracies, whether consensual or participatory. This is while other political actors have left Somaliland’s grand dream to fall between the aspirations of ethnic factions and the aspirations of international powers.

The second case mentioned above, Rwanda, has risen economically and politically despite the rule of a dictator for more than a quarter of a century. The West praises Rwanda’s figures on indicators designed to measure democracy and political stability and economic and human development. The final case, Morocco, is a monarchy defined as a holistic political system, but it is the Moroccan people who hold the king in his position and reject Western interference while interacting in a positive manner with the political process in the country.

Given this political spectrum, we need to be ready to grant respect for African political models by reviewing and evaluating them according to their own unique considerations and circumstances.

*The writer is expert in African affairs.

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Wakhti badan ayaa dadka iyo dalkaba kaga lumay,shaqsiyaad dartooda uun ka fikiraya,oo aan dan iyo muraad ka lahay qaran iyo dawladnimo kuwaasi weliba waa kuwo cashuurta iyo dhaqaalaha kale ee qaranka ku tanaadey,lagu sharfay in ay madax ka noqdaan qarankan la daalaa dhacaya aqoonsi la’aanta iyo durufaha kale ee dhaqaale,caafimaad iyo shaqo la’aanta.Dadkaas waxaa ka mid ah ninka hore ciidamada qaranka uga tirsanan jirey ee ka gaadhay Darajada Koraneelka ee lagu magacaabo Caare. Caare Marka taariikhdiisa laga waramayo waxa la soo qaataa in markii dalka la soo galey uu dad ku laayey biliqo uu jiingado ka furanayey guryo dhisnaa, mudaa wixii ka dambeyeyna uu gaadhey derajada Koranelka. Weli taariikhdiisa kuma maqal inuu wax soo bartey,inuu kuliyada ciidan ka soo baxay,darajada sida uu u qaatey oo uu ku gaadhey Koranel iwm.Sidaa darteed miyaaney u muuqan in uu cadaalad daro ku helay derejada,kol hadii uu darajada si hadaalad daro ah ku helay soo maa aha in uu Cadaalad darada ku helo waxyaabo badan oo kale iley waa halkii uu ka soo aflaxaye.Hadii reernimo xitaa loo eego waxaa jiri kara tiro badan oo ay isku raas yihiin oo aqoon karti iyo wadaniyad ba leh oo u qalma derejada uu gaadhey iyo mid ka sareysa,kuwaas maxa garxajis ugu hadliwayey,in xaqooda helaan hadii reernimadu dhab inaga tahay,maxaa wadani ugu hadliwaayey hadii cadaalad raadintu dhab inaga tahay,mise arinku waa mushruuc kale,ragaasi weliba waa ka xishoonayaan iney reernimo wax ku helaan oo waxay aaminsan yihiin qaranimada iyo wadankooda,Kornal Caarana Mushaharkoodii buu ku sii faralaabey markii uu baxayey.Siyaasiinteenuna waa kuwa u doonaya in Caare xil loo dhiibo oo xitaa General laga dhigo Ciidamada Somalilandna uu hogaamiyo.

Waxaa ugu dambeeyey Cid u dooda Caare:

Guddoomiye ku xigeenka labaad ee Xisbiga Waddani Saleeban Ducaale Xaaji Jaamac, oo u waramayWargeyska Geeska Afrikaayaa ugu horeyn hadalkiisa ku bilaabay “Carab iyo labadiisa daan ayaa is qabta oo is qaniina, adduunyadana waxaa la inoo keenay in la ina imtixaano,waa la is qabtaa, wixii la isku qabtana waa laga heshiiya, sida aynu ognahayna Madaxweynayaashii taladda dalka u kala dambeeyey jabhadihii wey wada cafiyeen , oo may u kala eexan, haddii ay tahay Jabhadii Suldaan Wabar , Jabhadihii kala ee ka horeeyey ama ka dambeeyey, sidaas darteed waxaa jiray dadaalo ku waajahna arinta Caare, oo Odayaal dhaqan oo ah Odayaasha Caare ayaa nabad ka keenay Caare, markaas gobonimadu waxay ku jirtay inuu Madaxweynuhu wada cafiyo Caare iyo Ciidanka raacayba, oo uu tixgeliyo Odayaasha u tagay,balse may ahayn inuu Ciidan oo qudh uu cafis u fidiyo”.

Sida aan qabo gobanimadu waxay ku jirtey in Odayaashu soo kaxeeyaan Caare oo ay horkeenan Madaxweynaha yidhaahdaana Caare waa kan ku horfadhiya maanta Madaxweyne hadii aad Cafiyeysid iyo hadii sharciga lagu qaadayabo naga gudoon,weliba xisbiga wadanina goobjoog ka ahaado kulankaa iyo waliba xisbiga UCID.Ma waxay ka liitaan hoyadan qaadatey go’aanka geesinimada ah bal ila daawo:

Tan kale doodii Madaxweynaha iyo Odayadii(Garxajis) Caare may ahayn mid dheeli tiran oo ku miisaaman xaqiiqda jirta ee dhabta ah waxaa ka muuqday dhaliilo dhinaca farsamada ah oo ay ka mid ahaayeen:

  1. Mayirka Ceeri-gaabo oo halkii uu ka ma telilahaa maamulka gobolkaasi dhinaca reerka mateley, Sidee ayey u suurgal tahay masuul qaran oo metelayey degaanka gobalka sanaag oo dhan in uu af hayeen u noqdo beel waxay ahayd in uu xilka iska casilo oo uu siga oo shaqsi ah u dodo Caare iyo Beeshiisa.
  2. Madaxweynuhu Si dhameytiran oo Cad umuu soo bandhigin Dhibaatada Qrankan uu gaadhsiiyey Caare,Taariikhdiisa nololeed,dembiyada loo haysto,sida ay muhiim u tahay in maxkamad la horkeeno,oo marka la xukumo ama wax lagu waayo arintiisa dib loo eego.

Arimaasi waxay fududeyn lahaayeen fahamka rayi caalamka ee Caare ayuu yahay muxuu sameeyey ee dhiba oo lagu eedeynayaa.

Waa mahadsan tihiin dhamaantiin.

 La soco qaybaha dambe ……….


Treasury Department bureaucrats risk jumpstarting Islamic State resurgence

By Michael Rubin

Treasury Department bureaucrats risk jumpstarting Islamic State resurgence

© Getty Images

It has now been 21 months since Kurdish forces, backed by U.S. Special Forces and U.S. air support, moved into Raqqa, the capital of the Islamic State. Earlier this month, I spoke at a Rojava Centre for Strategic Studies conference in Amudeh, Syria, exploring the Islamic State’s enablers, after which I had the opportunity to visit Raqqa as the local administration’s guest.

To enter Raqqa is to be overwhelmed by destruction. Thousands of former residents remain in tents at a camp alongside the road outside Ayn Issa. Most would like to return to their homes just 45 minutes’ drive away, but Raqqa remains largely destroyed. Driving into town requires passing the shells of apartment buildings stretching miles. Local authorities have given a face lift to Naim Square, where the Islamic State executed prisoners and mounted their heads, and rebranded it Freedom Square. The buildings facing the square, however, remain bombed out.

There are signs of life in the center of town: wedding dresses, children’s toys, and sweets sold in shops surrounded by rubble. Children played soccer in a stadium once used as the Islamic State’s chief prison. Graffiti on the stadium wall cursed the Islamic State and expressed love for Taylor Swift. Unexploded ordnance slows recovery, as workers clear rubble by hand, and tempers are short. The biggest obstacle to Raqqa’s recovery, however, lies in Washington rather than Syria: The U.S. Treasury Department has been sitting on the Office of Foreign Asset Control (OFAC) waiver for the Syrian Democratic Council for four years.ADVERTISEMENT

Opposition groups in Syria can be an alphabet soup of acronyms but, in short, the Syrian Democratic Council is the umbrella organization for pro-American Syrian Kurdish militias like the People’s Protection Units (YPG), the all-female Women’s Protection Units (YPJ), and the Syrian Democratic Forces.

When I first visited northeastern Syria in January 2014, U.S. diplomats had refused to talk to the Syrian Kurdish opposition out of deference to Turkey. The United States reconsidered its position due to both Kurds’ effectiveness against the Islamic State and Turkey’s double-dealing on terrorism. The United States began talking to the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC), the political wing of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), in December 2015, and almost immediately, the SDC applied for a U.S. Treasury Department Office of Foreign Asset Control (OFAC) waiver so that they could hire American companies to participate in reconstruction and so that they could spend their own money in the United States. The SDC does not ask for handouts: one of the biggest differences between my most recent trip and my first is that the oil derricks between Qamishli and the Tigris River are now operating but absent a waiver, the SDC cannot legally spend money in the United States or elsewhere.

It is unclear whether inertia or a misguided strategy motivates OFAC to sit for years on the pending SDC waiver: The group is pro-Western and cooperates closely with Washington. The Treasury Department previously granted the Syrian National Council, the political arm of the Free Syrian Army, a waiver even though extremists and terrorists have infiltrated the Free Syrian Army. In contrast, U.S. military members in Syria trust the SDF more than local partners in Iraq or Afghanistan; there has not been a single instance of SDF men or women turning on American mentors.

The Treasury Department’s inaction not only handicaps diplomacy but also undercuts U.S. strategy.

Isolating Syrian President Bashar al-Assad remains a core U.S. interest. The Kurds dislike Assad: He voided citizenship papers Kurds need for school and employment, and imprisoned Kurdish activists. However, given Turkey’s support for Islamist radicals and its anti-Kurdish ethnic cleaning in areas of Syria the Turkish army occupies, Syrian Kurds fear Turkey more. Simply put, Treasury’s failure is pushing pro-American Kurds back toward Assad.

Numerous diplomats castigate the Iraqi government for its failure to reconstruct Mosul after it was damaged first by Islamic State conquest and then its liberation. Diplomats fear frustration could fuel Islamic State resurgence. The same is now true with Raqqa, where frustration is palpable. The only difference is that if Raqqa erupts, the blame will not be on a foreign government, but on the glacial pace of the U.S. government’s own bureaucracy.

Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. A former Pentagon official, he teaches classes on terrorism for the FBI and on security, politics, religion and history for U.S. and NATO military units. He has a Ph.D. in history from Yale University.


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