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Posts from the ‘Politics’ Category


Maskaxdaada la kaasho waxa laga yadhi Khilaafka Kenya iyo Somaliya.


Somaliland and Puntland Map!

Somaliland and Puntland map

Inside the Foreign Office Series 1





General Maxamed Siciid Morgan waxaa la gudboon inuu is qariyo oo uu ka dhuunto wajiga siyaasadeed ee umada Somaliyeed balse is muujintiisu waxay muujineysaaa in weli dambiilayaashii dagaalkii 1988 ilaa 1999 ay weli firfircoon yihiin oo qaarkood weli hamuum u qabaan sii daadinta dhiiga dadka Somaliyeed,Sida ay yidhaahdeen waxgarad Somaliyeed “hadii aad is qarin waydey ex general morganow filo maxkamad caalamiya!”.

Weli caalamka kama dhicin General ku eedeysan debiyo dagaal,xasuuq iyo tacadiyo ka dhan ah xuquuqda  adamaha oo hadana si nabad ah oo caadi ah u dhex mushaaxaya wadankii uu ka geystey gabool falka.

Gobolada Waqooyi ama Somaliland oo qudha ma aha meelaha loo hayo cadeymaha xasuuqa balse waxaa uu xasuuq ka geystey dhanka koonfurta oo ahaa wasiirkii gaashandhiga ee ugu dambeyey dawladii Siyaad bare,waxaa kale oo uu qayb ka ahaa qabqablayaashii dagaaladii Sokeeye ee Somaliya wixii ka dambeyey Burburkii dawladii Somaliya.Waxaa uu hada ku hanjabayaa in uu hayo qorshe qarsoon oo uu dagaal kaga abuurayo Somaliland gudaheeda sida gobolada Sool iyo Sanaag.Waxaa kale oo jirta in hadaba Jabhad hubeysan oo ku lid ah Jiritaanka Somaliland saldhig laga siiyey Puntland,arimahaasi oo dhami waxay muujinayaan in cadawnimo qorsheysan siyaasiinta koonfurtu qaab abaabulan u wadaan mijo xaabinta Somaliland iyo meelo kale oo ka mida Somaliya gudaheeda.

Arimahani waa kuwo u baahan in si cilmi ah oo qorsheysan loo darso loogana hortago dawlada Somalilandna waa in ay dacwad ka dhan ah Morgan iyo Saldhiga Somaliya ka siisay koox ku kacsan Somaliland dawlad goboleedka Puntland u gudbisaa golaha amaanka ee umadaha midowbay.Sidoo kale Dadka somaliyeed iyo hayahah madaxa banaan ee caalimiga ah iyo kuwa muxaliga ahna waxaa la gudboon iney soo bandhigaan dacwad ka dhan ah ex-Gen. Morgan oo xog badan laga qorey inuu geestey xasuuq iyo dimbiyo dagaal oo  loo bahan yahay in uu wajaho cadaalada, Morgan imika wuxuu rajeynayaa in uu isku soo sharaxo jagada madaxweyne ee gobolka Puntland ee Somaliya.

Mahadsanidin dhamaantiin eused0 \ls



Weedhahani waa weedho ka soo baxay Ayeeyo Somalilander ah oo la yaabtey mar ay dhegeesatey faysal cali waraabe oo ka hadlaya arimo badan waxaana ay hadal ku soo koobtey “MAR WAAN QOSLAA: oo waxaa aan idhaahdaa inta uu Faysal dalkan hogaankiisa siyaasadeed ka mid yahay majaajilo somaliland uma baahna oo faysal baa inagu filan,MARNA WAAN OOYAA oo waxaa aan idhaahdaa Wale mustalbal madow baa iga muuqda dalka iyo dadka Somaliland ee Faysal Cali Waraabe iyo Qaar la mid ahi Siyaasadiisa hogaanka u hayaan”!.



Why Have So Many African Dictators Suddenly Resigned? — Political Violence at a Glance

By Barbara F. Walter. Former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe speaks at the UN General Assembly, September 28, 2015. Photo via United Nations Photo. Africa is known for its dictators and their uncanny ability to stay in power for decades despite widespread corruption, bad governance, and deep unpopularity. Until recently, the continent had ten of the…

via Why Have So Many African Dictators Suddenly Resigned? — Political Violence at a Glance


Anarchy is Scary: New Evidence from Somalia

Guest post by Jesse Driscoll.

“Look, in Somalia, the cell phone system works…and it’s the only thing, maybe, that works in the country…”Stephen Krasner, 2010

There is an ever-increasing demand for demographic data to support evidence-based policy planning. Students of James C. Scott should be attuned to the possibility, however, that systematic data collection—especially in a war zone—is an overtly political project. Relative winners and losers in a war have different incentives to cooperate with scientific data collection.

Social scientists working in active war zones know that this is not an abstract, hypothetical, or merely theoretical concern. In 2011, along with a number of colleagues at the University of California, I helped to organize and field the first representative survey of Somalia’s capital city of Mogadishu since the 1980s. The situation was grim in a way that is discouragingly familiar today: drought, displacement, and rampant corruption in intermediary institutions tasked with humanitarian reporting and relief. A defensible population estimate for humanitarian relief was the goal, and risks were mitigated by extensive outreach efforts within the Somali diaspora, flexible deployments of teams, and because we did not ask certain questions to defuse the concern that we were conducting a clan census.

Why not ask about clan? Clan lineages have provided focal points for multiple waves of pogroms since the 1980s—nearly every time neighborhoods change hands, in fact. As Figure 1 shows, when enumerators probed respondents’ willingness to consider sharing their clan identities in a hypothetical future survey, results varied. In the commercial center, more than 70% of respondents said they would be willing to reveal their clan. In other districts, none of those surveyed said they would be willing.

The face-to-face survey revealed something else: internally-displaced Somalis living in refugee camps routinely possessed cellular telephones. We solicited cell phone numbers from respondents so that we could call them back remotely in the event that the security situation deteriorated (which, sadly, it did). We could Skype many of the same people multiple times, even years later.

Over time, willingness and non-willingness to answer our survey questions invited psychological speculation. We focused on relative levels of fear induced by various frames of why we were conducting research. We hypothesized that respondents’ refusal to answer a question about clan identity could be reasonably assumed to be evidence of the fear. We then set out to test whether reminders of anarchic conditions, or reminders of increasingly strong central government, were more frightening to the most vulnerable residents of Mogadishu. We used randomly assigned primes to remind subjects of either anarchy or state consolidation. Then we asked whether they were willing to tell us their clan name. The rate at which each treatment group refused to answer, interacted with a measure of vulnerability, was used to make inferences about whether anarchy or centralization was a more potent source of fear.

Background security mattered a great deal. Vulnerable residents of Mogadishu were about four times less likely to tell us their clan after the anarchy prime, compared to secure residents (Figure 2).  Reminders of government consolidation did not alter level of reticence at all. Results were validated with an unusual natural experiment—a car bomb, a jarring reminder of anarchy.

Our experiment produced evidence that anarchy is frightening—but haven’t we all known that since at least 1651? It is a weak source of legitimacy for the Somali government, both because there is little evidence that the state can actually protect its most vulnerable citizens and also because, even if it could, modern liberals are wary of the possibility of extortion, legitimized by “the king’s peace.”

Our discouraging conclusion, after a 5-year study, was that practically any kind of intervention that touched the lives of Somali’s most vulnerable would invite skepticism about researcher motives—and perhaps rightly so. To the extent we were neutral observers we could be accused of engaging in virtual poverty tourism. To the extent we were something other than neutral observers, however, we were aspirational partisans. One of our Somali enumerators once asked, point blank, if we were being funded by the US military to put together a predator drone list. We weren’t, of course, but his concern was valid. Some of the most productive research programs in political science over the last decade produce knowledge that is explicitly (and unapologetically) seek-and-destroy.

In a setting where famine has been used as a weapon for decades, charity cannot be seen as politically neutral. An inaugural survey of a landed population after a civil war is not a pure public good, but more akin to club goods for politically powerful social groups (who stand to benefit most from counting and will, predictably, design survey/census categories to benefit them). Residents inclined towards distrust of political centralization may wish to remain invisible.

All we can say with confidence is two things.

First, this kind of experimentation is not about to stop while ethicists navel-gaze. Cellular telephone technology was exotic just a few decades ago. Today the digital frontier is quite close. Since it is possible to recruit samples from war zones remotely, without putting oneself in harm’s way, many will do so. As such, the spread of mobile technology represents an exciting new research frontier. As the digital frontier is mapped, technology should be considered a complement to, not a substitute for, on-the-ground experience. The wisdom to not ask some questions in the first place is often hard-won.

Second, our results suggest that systematic bias lurks in datasets collected in war zones. Special care must be taken to ensure that the voices of the most vulnerable are not inadvertently silenced. Even high-integrity surveys, or qualitative research designs based on long-form interviews and ethnographic observations, are likely to over-represent voices of the relatively secure members of society. Recruiting a large sample initially, and then re-weighting to recover representativeness, is a technical solution. Other kinds of representational concerns—such as the innocuous decision of whether displaced squatters ought to be considered “real” members of Mogadishu at all, or perhaps just dropped from the data?—are murkier. The stakes are potentially quite high. And there may be no easy answers here. It is important to be honest about the complex blend of motivations (humanitarian and security, personal and professional) that bring the researcher into contact with extremely vulnerable communities, since these biases can leak unconsciously into our writing.

Jesse Driscoll is an Associate Professor of Political Science and serves as the chair of the Global Leadership Institute in the School of Global Policy and Strategy at UC-San Diego.



Green light for VAT overhaul to simplify system and cut fraud

This article is brought to you in association with the European Parliament. MEPs on Wednesday backed the bulk of the European Commission’s proposed reform of the VAT system, while proposing some adjustments, such as to set a maximum VAT rate. Two pieces of legislation were put to the vote. One aims to facilitate trade, especially for […]

via Green light for VAT overhaul to simplify system and cut fraud — The European Sting – Critical News & Insights on European Politics, Economy, Foreign Affairs, Business & Technology –



Faysal Cali waraabe waa Gudoomiyaha Xisbiga UCID waxaa uu sida Jirjiroolaha maalinba Meesha uu isku taago ayuu midabkiisa yeeshaa balse ma laha midab loogu soo hagaago balse waanu eegi doonaa marka mirqaanku ka baxo waxaa uu inoo sheego mise qaadka ayeynu la ogaanaa.







Aniga rayigeyga Waxaa iiga baxay Jawaabta Gudoomiye Ciro ee ku saabsan in xidhiidh ka dhexeeyo isaga iyo Mudane Caare in ay tahay mid muujineysa in uu ku faraxsan yahay in Caare qori qaato oo uu dalkiisa ku caasiyoobo waayo, Markii la waydiiyo in xidhiidh ka dhexeeyo:

a) Waxaa uu  yidhi ” Hadii aan la lahay isku reer baa tihiin, hadii taa la yidhaahdona ciidamada qaranka oo dhami reero ayey noqonayaan”

b) Markii Arinta xalkeeda la weydiiyey wuxuu ku jawaabey oo uu yidhi: “Xalku waxaa uu ku Haboonaa markii xalku intan ka fududaa……..” Xalkeedana waxaa uu dusha ka saarey Xukuumada iyo Ciidamada Qaranka, Xukuumada ama guud ahaan dawlada waa run oo xalka waa waajibkeeda oo waa arin ka mida waajibaadkeeda. Balse ciidanka Qaranka oo waajibkiisu yahay Difaaca,nabadgelya,ilaalinta iyo u gurmashada arimaha kadiska ah ee masiibooyinka qaranka, waajibkoodu ma aha in ay Caare la xaalaan balse waa in ay ku daraan liiska askarta ka fakatey ciidamada ee la baxsadey hubkii iyo saanadii ciidamada qaranka,weliba ku soo wajahan in uu burburiyo qaranimada Somaliland, Waxaa kaliya oo ciidamada qaranku arinta Caare ciidan ahaan ku xalili lahaayeen hadii isaga oo ka mid ah ciidanka uu wixii uu tabanayo u soo gudbiyo ciidamada qaranka iyo madaxdooda sare,balse arinkaasi ma taagna imika ee waajibkoodu waa in ay ka difaacaan qaranka Caare iyo kuwa la mida.

Gudoomiye Cirona hadii uu yahay Siyaasi Somalilander dhaba oo ay dhibeyso dhibaatda Dalkiisa iyo dadkiisa wuxuu dadaal ka geli lahaa arinta Caare oo isaga ayaa dhameyn lahaa oo soo afjari lahaa intuu Caare u tago ama Gudi u saaro ayuu soo xero gelin lahaa Shacabka Somalilandna Sharaf iyo Bilad geesi buu ka heli lahaa balse ma garanayo cida uu ku haleenayo ee uu ka sugayo xalka hadii aanu ku faraxsaney ficilka Caare xitaa Cambaareyna ka ma maqal ku saabsan falka uu caare ku kacay.


How Will Trump Wage War? What Early Signs of a Risk-Acceptant President Mean for US Military Operations — Political Violence at a Glance

By Julia Macdonald & Jacquelyn Schneider for Denver Dialogues. Since inauguration, President Trump has signaled a strong commitment to the use of force – especially to secure U.S. interests in the Middle East and to protect against the threat of terrorism. In his inaugural address, Trump promised to eradicate Islamic terrorism “from the face of […]

via How Will Trump Wage War? What Early Signs of a Risk-Acceptant President Mean for US Military Operations — Political Violence at a Glance


The Most Surprising Thing About the Venezuela Drone Attack is that it Hasn’t Happened Sooner — Political Violence at a Glance

By Julia Macdonald for Denver Dialogues. Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro (left) in Quito, Ecuador, 2015. Photo via Cancillería del Ecuador. Approximately one month ago a group of dissident soldiers reportedly attempted to assassinate the President of Venezuela, Nicolas Maduro, with explosive-laden drones. News of the attack quickly dominated the news cycle and shocked many observers…

via The Most Surprising Thing About the Venezuela Drone Attack is that it Hasn’t Happened Sooner — Political Violence at a Glance


The trade of illegal weapons implicates senior government officials in Djibouti – Report.

The trade of illegal weapons implicates senior government officials in Djibouti, which suggests that the Doraleh port terminal, which is now under government control and suffers from porous customs checks, will increasingly be leveraged as an arms trade hub. However, the most significant flows of illegal weapons will continue to be moved in smaller dhows via the fishing communities in the south-east coast and via the Garacad port project.
So far, and over the past few years, the DP World operated Doraleh terminal was not used for arms trafficking. However, local intelligence suggests that the terminal, which is now under government control, may in future be leveraged as a processing center for the illegal arms trade.
All this suggests that the Doraleh terminal will start to play a more prominent role in regional arms trafficking
There is some evidence that the Doraleh terminal will increasingly be used for the weapons trade. The Chairman of the Djibouti Ports and Free Zone Authority (DPFZA), Aboubaker Omar Hadi, is a close friend of Ali Abdi Aware, who is a three times presidential candidate of Puntland, as well as a very prominent businessman. They are jointly involved in a venture where Aware is personally in charge of former Yemen president Ali Abdallah Saleh’s bank CAC International. This bank is headquartered in Djibouti. Local intelligence suggests that Omar Hade helped with the registration of the bank and owns shares in it (“part of the investment components”). Moreover, Omar Hadi has established a bank branch in Bosaso that can launder money for underground institutions dealing with weapon imports from Yemen, as the bank hails from Yemen originally.
Aware is also very well established in the Guelleh government and he was the one who set up Puntland’s assistance to Djibouti donating 900 camels to Djibouti when it had an armed dispute with its Eritrean rival over the disputed Doumeira Islands. He also helped Djibouti secure an investment commitment for road construction from the Saudi government back in 2009 when late General Adde Muse Hersi was Puntland’s president.
Indeed, the trade in illegal weapons in Djibouti stretches t the highest echelons of the government. Local intelligence confirms that one company, which in the public version of this report will only be names as Company Z, is owned by the Guelleh family and handles arms trade. Company Z only deals with weapons imports into Somalia. Those same weapons are then often distributed to political factions backed by the government.
All this suggests that the Doraleh terminal will start to play a more prominent role in regional arms trafficking. Local intelligence suggests that the main port of Djibouti is not secure and that customs procedures are porous, which facilitates illegal shipments. Yet, since this terminal will remain one of Djibouti’s main import-export hubs, international scrutiny of cargo flows is high here, which will limit the port’s use as a weapons trade center. However, sources say that much of the illegal arms trade does not need to be moved through Djibouti’s main port. It is moved in smaller dhows via the fishing communities in the south-east coast.
Moreover, Djibouti is also now involved in the construction of Garacad Port. Djibouti became following a political disagreement with the Somali government with regards to the Eritrea-Ethiopia-Somalia rapprochement following the meeting between the Somali President and his counterpart Afewerki in Asmara. Djibouti are taking advantage of the Puntland disagreement with the Somali government here over the Garacad port. Prime Minister Hassan recently visited the region and was invited to the grand opening of the Garacad Project but refused to do so as the Somali government recently began the Hobyo port construction plan, only 90 km down the road.
There is a lot of tension between the Somali government and Djibouti over their involvement in this project. Local intelligence suggests that the Somali government is rightly worried about Djibouti using this as a base for moving weapons from the Gulf of Aden into Puntland and then onwards into Somalia proper (see previous comments on support for destabilising factions within Somalia such as al-Shabaab). Also, Garacad is a regional hotspot for weapons shipments landing, as it was pirate territory from 2008 – 2011. Boats disguised as fishing vessels still land there for smuggling purposes.
It is at Garacad that Djibouti plays its heaviest role in regional arms trafficking. The logistics, freight, and construction companies involved in the Garacad Port Project are often owned by senor Djibouti government officials and military officers. Most of the construction materials for the project will be transported overland from Djibouti or shipped to the coast off Garacad. There is ample opportunity here for weapons smuggling. Again, the UN Monitoring Group reports for this region include names of some entities which local intelligence suggests are still accurate.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of EXX Africa.


Maba doonayaan in aynu Dawlad ahaano Q.2aad.

Waxaa aynu is ku dayney in aynu wax ka tilmaamno si macnaha dawlada loogu qeexo qaar ka mid daraasadaha cilmiga ah ama luqad ahaanba inaga oo soo ururinay qaar ka mid ah fikiradaasi hadii aan Afkeena hooyo ku soo koobo aragtiyahaasi guud ahaan waa kuwo hal ujeedo uun ka wada hadlaya oo ah Dawlad iyo micnaheeda taas oo ay keentay baahida ah in ay ka shaqeyso danaha caamka ah ee bulsho ee dhinacyada ilaalinta danaha bulshadaasi ee wadanka ay wada lee yihiin(dalkooda) iyaga oo ka ilaalinaya dhibaatooyinka iyo iska hor imaadada debada iyo gudaha ee kaga imanaya shisheeyaha dariska la ah ama ka fog iyo daneystayaasha gudaha ee ka mid ah qarankan dawlada dhistey. Si kastaba ujeedadu ha ahaatee Qaran wuxuu sharaf lee yahay markuu dawlad lee yahay hadii kale wuxuu noqonayaa mid aan tamar lahayn oo aan jirinba ama fawdo ah oo aan u abaabulney qaab nololeedka casriga ah ee jiritaanka umadeed,Tusaale waxaa kuugu filan 1988 kii Markii ay burburtay Dawladnimadii Somaliyeed, ee dadkii ay xukumeysey ka talaabeen xududada dalalka dariska lahaa ee Jabuuti iyo Ethoipa ka dib dhibaatooyinkii iyo xasuuqii lagula kacay dadkii aan waxba galabsan ee Gobaladii Waqooyi ee dalkii la isku oran jirey Jamhuuriyada Somaliya(Waqooyigii iyo Konfurtii) Midoobey 1 July 1960 kii. Arintaasi waa tii dhashay in Somaliya loo ugu yeedho failed State( Dawlad Fashilantey) ama guul dareysatey.

Dawladaa fashilantey waxaa ka soo dhex baxay dawlad guuleysatey (a seccussfull  state), 18 May 1991 waa Jamhuuriyada Somaliland oo wax garadkeedu ku dhidbeen iney dib boodhka uga tumaan qaranimadii 26 June 1960 ee xoriyadii somaliland. Aduunyo halbaan lahaa hashii Horer baa la tegey Hadhuub madhanbaan sidaa

Ereyadaasi waxay soo gaba gaboobeen 18 May 1991. Waxaana i xasuusisay ayeeyo Ceeb la oo aan qormadeydii hore idiinku bilaabay in aan jawaabteeda halkan idiinku soo gudbindoono cida aan dooneynin in aynu dawlad ahaano ila wadaaga hada Jawaabta Ayeeyo Ceebla.

Ayeeyo Ceebla waxaa aanu ku kulanay suuqa qudhacdheer ee magaalada Hargeysa abaaro 9:30 Subaxnimo 1994bishii June 15 keedii Makhaaxi yar oo contianer ka sameysan oo shaaha lagu iibiyo, Makhaaxida waxaa haysey gabadh yar oo aan ku qiyaasay da’ahaan 18 sano jir oo quruxna aanad kaba jeesaneynin ruuxaa yar. Waxaa kale oo makhaaxidaasi ku sugnaa ilaa 8 wiil oo aan da ahaan wax badan ka weynin inantaasi iyo ilaa 6 nin oo da’ahaan aan ku qiyaasey 40 neeyo iyo wax ka weyn 3 Haween ah oo dadoodu meel dhaxaad tahay. Intayaduba waxaa aanu u soconey ujeedooyin kala duwan oo danahayagu waa kala duwanaayeen. Dadkeenu waxaa aad moodaa in ay markey meel ku kulmaan kolba xaalada markaa jirta ee dhinaca siyaasada ka sheekeenteeda iyo faaleynteedaba wadaagaan oo qofba wax ku darsado dood aan dhamaad lahayn oo iska socota uun taasi waa caado jirta balse maalmahaa waxaa xiiso lahaa doodo ku saabsanaa qaranimada Somaliland oo weerar lagu soo qaadey ………..

Qaybaha Dambe.



Waxaa aad is odhan kartaa kol hadaaney dooneyn in aynu dawlad ahaano maxay doonayaan oo kale jawaabta su,aashaasi waxaa inooga jawaabtey ayeeyo Ceeb la, balse inta aanan jawaabteeda soo qadamin aan yara sharaxo Dawladu waxay tahay sideedaba marka si cilmiya loo sharaxo iyo marka sida ay dadka reer Somaliland culimada cilmiga qabyaada qaadaa dhigaa ee ku shaqeystaa u yaqaanin ama inoogu sharaxaan si aynu u helno macluumada ku saabsan Dawlada. Ugu horeyn dawlada waxay aqoonyahana cilmiga siyaasada,bulshada,dhaqaalaha,sharciga u qeexaan sidan:

a) A government is the system or group of people governing an organized community, often a state. A government is like a clan with the purpose to govern the whole family or whole nation with powers of financial, military and civil laws

b) A group of people that governs a community or unit. It sets and administers public policy and exercises executive, political and sovereign power through customs, institutions, and laws within a state. A government can be classified into many types–democracy, republic, monarchy, aristocracy, and dictatorship are just a few.

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c) The government is the body that runs a whole country. One or more political parties make up thegovernment, which is supported by a huge team of civil servants. Politicians often attend debates and meetings in government buildings. … Localgovernment helps

the citizens of a specific region.

e) ‘To promote the general Welfare’ – The government fulfills this function in many different ways, including monitoring the economy, businesses, and banks; maintaining the postal service, education system, roads, and public utilities like water, sewer, and electricity; regulating the safety of food and medicine; …

Why do governments exist? One major reason is that they create rules. But what rules are necessary or desirable? That is open to question, and different types of governments have certainly created a wide variety of rules.

GOVERNMENTs almost certainly originated with the need to protect people from conflicts and to provide law and order. Why have conflicts among people happened throughout history? Many people, both famous and ordinary, have tried to answer that question. Perhaps human nature dictates selfishness, and people inevitably will come to blows over who gets what property or privilege. Or maybe, as KARL MARX explains, it is because the very idea of “PROPERTY” makes people selfish and greedy.

Whatever the reasons, governments first evolved as people discovered that protection was easier if they stayed together in groups and if they all agreed that one (or some) in the group should have more power than others. This recognition is the basis of SOVEREIGNTY, or the right of a group (later a country) to be free of outside interference.

lasoco qaybaha dambe.


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Between Authoritarianism and Democracy — Political Violence at a Glance

By Alexander Beresford, Marie E. Berry, and Laura Mann for Denver Dialogues. A photo from the Rwandan Parliament, 2013. Photo via Rwanda Government. For decades, political scientists have debated whether democracy is spreading or receding on the global stage. While recent trends suggest a global “democratic recession” is underway, some have used prominent democracy indices…

via Between Authoritarianism and Democracy — Political Violence at a Glance



Durtaba waxaa soo shaac baxaya urursiga dadka jilicsan ee daryeelka u baahan ee loo adeegsanayo in lagu wiiqo qaranimada Somaliland Duqaydani waxa ay qaylo dheer ku sheegeen in Caaqilkoodii oo mudoba dabiib u socday la kaxaystey oo la rabo in dhinaca dacaayadaha looga faa’iideysto iyada oo rayi caalamka loo tusayo suldaan beeleed ka soo horjeestey qaranimada somaliland oo dagaalka hubeysan ee lagu waxyeeleenayo jiritaanka somaliland uu ka qayb qaadanayo balse wax garadkani waxay cadeeyeen in odaygan uu u socday daaweyn dhinaca garaadka (dhimirka ah), tani waxay muujinaysaa in Caare iyo cida is qarinayasa ee gadaal ka maamuleysaa ay adeegsanayaan tab kasta oo ay ku heli karaan dad tirada u buuxiya si ay ugu gorgortamaan dhinaca siyaasada oo ay u helaan jagooyin baad ah oo ay cadaadis ku saaraan dawlada in la soo celiyo awoodii qabqablayasha ee  looga bartey xukumadiihii hore waxa aynu mar walba maqalnaa waxaa uu madaxweyne Muuse magacaabey koox wasiiro ah oo aan waayo aragnimo lahayn taas oo macnaheedu yahay wuxuu ka tagey kuwii ay odayasha,siyaasiinta reeraha magacooda ku xoogsadaa uu ka tegey oo uu doortey rag ka madax banaan odey siyaasi iyo kuwa ku shaqeysta magaca reeraraha ee xitaa reernimo cidna wax ugu qaban balse raba uun iney ay si sharci daro ah ku helaan dhaqaale iyo Maskab kaas oo ay ku dulmayaan muwaadiin xitaa isku reer yihiin oo xilal haya sidii looga qaadi lahaa.

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