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Posts from the ‘Politics’ Category

5
Nov

GABOOSE MIYUU SOO TOOSAY HADA FAALO MA LAHA

12
Oct

Suhuur waxay Jabisey Darbi in badani oo Siyaasin Somaliland ahi reexi kari waayeen!

Suhuur yare waxay gudbisay fariin Togan oo Siyaasiin badani kari waayeen in ay wadankooda iyo qadiyadiisa gaadhsiiyaan caalamka. Iskaba daa in ay Qadiyada Aqoonsiga Somaliland Caalamka gaadhsiiyaane waxay u xusul duubaan in ay qadiyada Somaliland xabaal ku ridaan.

Suhuur waa u hambalyeynayaa fariinta ay gaadhsiisay Caalamka iyo Madaxdaweynaha Rwanda Paul Kagame Talada uu Madaxweynuhu ka bixiyeyna waa mid muhiim ah oo iftiiminaysa mahmahda Somaliyeed ee tidhaahda NIN AAN HADAL HOOYADII QADISAY!

25
Sep

TABASHOOYINKII SOMALILAND EE 1960 KII QAYB KA MID AH

25
Aug

Barnaamijka Xasuus Reeb Waraysi Edna Adan

8
Aug

Mayor of London has done a good job so far

9
May

Does Globalisation Fuel Fringe Politics?

26
Apr

“MARABOOB AYEY INAGU NOQDEEN!”

Faalo Kooban hadii aan ka dhiibto doodan waxaa aan filayaa in ay doodani tahay mid ka mida doodaha arintan lagaga hadlo.

Waxaa ka qaybgaley dad ku kala duwan fikirka guud ee qadiyada wada hadala Somaliland iyo Somaliya, aqoonta,waayo aragnimada iwm.

Professor Samater, waa aqoon yahan sare oo Somalilander ah dhaliisha kowaad ee wax uu hor dhigo
Kofi Atta Annan cida dayacdey isaga ayaa kow ka ah.Markaa hada waxaa la gudboon in kow ka noqdo cida boodhka ka jafeysa ee taariikhda Somaliland ee wakhtigii hore,wakhtigii gumeysiga,wakhtigii xoriyada midowgii labada gobol,xiligii Siyaad Bare, ilaa Maanta.

Waxaa aynu ognahay in uu buugagtii uu qorey ay ka mid ahaa tariikhdii madaxweynihii ugu horeyey ee Somaliya Adam Cade.

Arintaasi waxay markhaati u tahay in siyaasiinta,aqoon yahanada iyo waxgaradka Somalilanderka ahi iney yihiin kuwa dayaca ugu weyn ee qadiyada Somaliland in ay ka muuqato caalanka in ay yihiin iyaga.

2
Mar

Maskaxdaada la kaasho waxa laga yadhi Khilaafka Kenya iyo Somaliya.

20
Feb

Somaliland and Puntland Map!

Somaliland and Puntland map
24
Jan

Inside the Foreign Office Series 1

17
Jan

XEERKA BANKIGA DHEXE GUDOOMIYAHA OO WAX KA BEDEL LAGU SAMEYEY SOMALIYA

31
Dec

KU EEDEYSANE DAMBILE DAGAAL MISE U SHARAXANE MADAXWEYNE DAWLAD GOBOLEED!

General Maxamed Siciid Morgan waxaa la gudboon inuu is qariyo oo uu ka dhuunto wajiga siyaasadeed ee umada Somaliyeed balse is muujintiisu waxay muujineysaaa in weli dambiilayaashii dagaalkii 1988 ilaa 1999 ay weli firfircoon yihiin oo qaarkood weli hamuum u qabaan sii daadinta dhiiga dadka Somaliyeed,Sida ay yidhaahdeen waxgarad Somaliyeed “hadii aad is qarin waydey ex general morganow filo maxkamad caalamiya!”.

Weli caalamka kama dhicin General ku eedeysan debiyo dagaal,xasuuq iyo tacadiyo ka dhan ah xuquuqda  adamaha oo hadana si nabad ah oo caadi ah u dhex mushaaxaya wadankii uu ka geystey gabool falka.

Gobolada Waqooyi ama Somaliland oo qudha ma aha meelaha loo hayo cadeymaha xasuuqa balse waxaa uu xasuuq ka geystey dhanka koonfurta oo ahaa wasiirkii gaashandhiga ee ugu dambeyey dawladii Siyaad bare,waxaa kale oo uu qayb ka ahaa qabqablayaashii dagaaladii Sokeeye ee Somaliya wixii ka dambeyey Burburkii dawladii Somaliya.Waxaa uu hada ku hanjabayaa in uu hayo qorshe qarsoon oo uu dagaal kaga abuurayo Somaliland gudaheeda sida gobolada Sool iyo Sanaag.Waxaa kale oo jirta in hadaba Jabhad hubeysan oo ku lid ah Jiritaanka Somaliland saldhig laga siiyey Puntland,arimahaasi oo dhami waxay muujinayaan in cadawnimo qorsheysan siyaasiinta koonfurtu qaab abaabulan u wadaan mijo xaabinta Somaliland iyo meelo kale oo ka mida Somaliya gudaheeda.

Arimahani waa kuwo u baahan in si cilmi ah oo qorsheysan loo darso loogana hortago dawlada Somalilandna waa in ay dacwad ka dhan ah Morgan iyo Saldhiga Somaliya ka siisay koox ku kacsan Somaliland dawlad goboleedka Puntland u gudbisaa golaha amaanka ee umadaha midowbay.Sidoo kale Dadka somaliyeed iyo hayahah madaxa banaan ee caalimiga ah iyo kuwa muxaliga ahna waxaa la gudboon iney soo bandhigaan dacwad ka dhan ah ex-Gen. Morgan oo xog badan laga qorey inuu geestey xasuuq iyo dimbiyo dagaal oo  loo bahan yahay in uu wajaho cadaalada, Morgan imika wuxuu rajeynayaa in uu isku soo sharaxo jagada madaxweyne ee gobolka Puntland ee Somaliya.

Mahadsanidin dhamaantiin eused0 \ls

15
Nov

MAR WAAN QOSLAA MARNA WAAN OOYAA!

Weedhahani waa weedho ka soo baxay Ayeeyo Somalilander ah oo la yaabtey mar ay dhegeesatey faysal cali waraabe oo ka hadlaya arimo badan waxaana ay hadal ku soo koobtey “MAR WAAN QOSLAA: oo waxaa aan idhaahdaa inta uu Faysal dalkan hogaankiisa siyaasadeed ka mid yahay majaajilo somaliland uma baahna oo faysal baa inagu filan,MARNA WAAN OOYAA oo waxaa aan idhaahdaa Wale mustalbal madow baa iga muuqda dalka iyo dadka Somaliland ee Faysal Cali Waraabe iyo Qaar la mid ahi Siyaasadiisa hogaanka u hayaan”!.

 

14
Oct

Why Have So Many African Dictators Suddenly Resigned? — Political Violence at a Glance

By Barbara F. Walter. Former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe speaks at the UN General Assembly, September 28, 2015. Photo via United Nations Photo. Africa is known for its dictators and their uncanny ability to stay in power for decades despite widespread corruption, bad governance, and deep unpopularity. Until recently, the continent had ten of the…

via Why Have So Many African Dictators Suddenly Resigned? — Political Violence at a Glance

8
Oct

Anarchy is Scary: New Evidence from Somalia

Guest post by Jesse Driscoll.

“Look, in Somalia, the cell phone system works…and it’s the only thing, maybe, that works in the country…”Stephen Krasner, 2010

There is an ever-increasing demand for demographic data to support evidence-based policy planning. Students of James C. Scott should be attuned to the possibility, however, that systematic data collection—especially in a war zone—is an overtly political project. Relative winners and losers in a war have different incentives to cooperate with scientific data collection.

Social scientists working in active war zones know that this is not an abstract, hypothetical, or merely theoretical concern. In 2011, along with a number of colleagues at the University of California, I helped to organize and field the first representative survey of Somalia’s capital city of Mogadishu since the 1980s. The situation was grim in a way that is discouragingly familiar today: drought, displacement, and rampant corruption in intermediary institutions tasked with humanitarian reporting and relief. A defensible population estimate for humanitarian relief was the goal, and risks were mitigated by extensive outreach efforts within the Somali diaspora, flexible deployments of teams, and because we did not ask certain questions to defuse the concern that we were conducting a clan census.

Why not ask about clan? Clan lineages have provided focal points for multiple waves of pogroms since the 1980s—nearly every time neighborhoods change hands, in fact. As Figure 1 shows, when enumerators probed respondents’ willingness to consider sharing their clan identities in a hypothetical future survey, results varied. In the commercial center, more than 70% of respondents said they would be willing to reveal their clan. In other districts, none of those surveyed said they would be willing.

The face-to-face survey revealed something else: internally-displaced Somalis living in refugee camps routinely possessed cellular telephones. We solicited cell phone numbers from respondents so that we could call them back remotely in the event that the security situation deteriorated (which, sadly, it did). We could Skype many of the same people multiple times, even years later.

Over time, willingness and non-willingness to answer our survey questions invited psychological speculation. We focused on relative levels of fear induced by various frames of why we were conducting research. We hypothesized that respondents’ refusal to answer a question about clan identity could be reasonably assumed to be evidence of the fear. We then set out to test whether reminders of anarchic conditions, or reminders of increasingly strong central government, were more frightening to the most vulnerable residents of Mogadishu. We used randomly assigned primes to remind subjects of either anarchy or state consolidation. Then we asked whether they were willing to tell us their clan name. The rate at which each treatment group refused to answer, interacted with a measure of vulnerability, was used to make inferences about whether anarchy or centralization was a more potent source of fear.

Background security mattered a great deal. Vulnerable residents of Mogadishu were about four times less likely to tell us their clan after the anarchy prime, compared to secure residents (Figure 2).  Reminders of government consolidation did not alter level of reticence at all. Results were validated with an unusual natural experiment—a car bomb, a jarring reminder of anarchy.

Our experiment produced evidence that anarchy is frightening—but haven’t we all known that since at least 1651? It is a weak source of legitimacy for the Somali government, both because there is little evidence that the state can actually protect its most vulnerable citizens and also because, even if it could, modern liberals are wary of the possibility of extortion, legitimized by “the king’s peace.”

Our discouraging conclusion, after a 5-year study, was that practically any kind of intervention that touched the lives of Somali’s most vulnerable would invite skepticism about researcher motives—and perhaps rightly so. To the extent we were neutral observers we could be accused of engaging in virtual poverty tourism. To the extent we were something other than neutral observers, however, we were aspirational partisans. One of our Somali enumerators once asked, point blank, if we were being funded by the US military to put together a predator drone list. We weren’t, of course, but his concern was valid. Some of the most productive research programs in political science over the last decade produce knowledge that is explicitly (and unapologetically) seek-and-destroy.

In a setting where famine has been used as a weapon for decades, charity cannot be seen as politically neutral. An inaugural survey of a landed population after a civil war is not a pure public good, but more akin to club goods for politically powerful social groups (who stand to benefit most from counting and will, predictably, design survey/census categories to benefit them). Residents inclined towards distrust of political centralization may wish to remain invisible.

All we can say with confidence is two things.

First, this kind of experimentation is not about to stop while ethicists navel-gaze. Cellular telephone technology was exotic just a few decades ago. Today the digital frontier is quite close. Since it is possible to recruit samples from war zones remotely, without putting oneself in harm’s way, many will do so. As such, the spread of mobile technology represents an exciting new research frontier. As the digital frontier is mapped, technology should be considered a complement to, not a substitute for, on-the-ground experience. The wisdom to not ask some questions in the first place is often hard-won.

Second, our results suggest that systematic bias lurks in datasets collected in war zones. Special care must be taken to ensure that the voices of the most vulnerable are not inadvertently silenced. Even high-integrity surveys, or qualitative research designs based on long-form interviews and ethnographic observations, are likely to over-represent voices of the relatively secure members of society. Recruiting a large sample initially, and then re-weighting to recover representativeness, is a technical solution. Other kinds of representational concerns—such as the innocuous decision of whether displaced squatters ought to be considered “real” members of Mogadishu at all, or perhaps just dropped from the data?—are murkier. The stakes are potentially quite high. And there may be no easy answers here. It is important to be honest about the complex blend of motivations (humanitarian and security, personal and professional) that bring the researcher into contact with extremely vulnerable communities, since these biases can leak unconsciously into our writing.

Jesse Driscoll is an Associate Professor of Political Science and serves as the chair of the Global Leadership Institute in the School of Global Policy and Strategy at UC-San Diego.

Sources :politicalviolenceataglance.org

3
Oct

Green light for VAT overhaul to simplify system and cut fraud

This article is brought to you in association with the European Parliament. MEPs on Wednesday backed the bulk of the European Commission’s proposed reform of the VAT system, while proposing some adjustments, such as to set a maximum VAT rate. Two pieces of legislation were put to the vote. One aims to facilitate trade, especially for […]

via Green light for VAT overhaul to simplify system and cut fraud — The European Sting – Critical News & Insights on European Politics, Economy, Foreign Affairs, Business & Technology – europeansting.com

24
Sep

FAYSAL MA KU WADI DOONAA HADALADAN MACAAN MISE WAA INTA AY KU JIRTO MIRQAANKA QAADKU!

Faysal Cali waraabe waa Gudoomiyaha Xisbiga UCID waxaa uu sida Jirjiroolaha maalinba Meesha uu isku taago ayuu midabkiisa yeeshaa balse ma laha midab loogu soo hagaago balse waanu eegi doonaa marka mirqaanku ka baxo waxaa uu inoo sheego mise qaadka ayeynu la ogaanaa.

19
Sep

QORAA BOOBE BA KA YAAB SIYAASIINTEENA BARAKEYSAN!

18
Sep

HCTV IYO BARNAAMUJ TAARIIKHI AH

15
Sep

CAARE IYO CIRO LABA ISKU FARAXSAN

Aniga rayigeyga Waxaa iiga baxay Jawaabta Gudoomiye Ciro ee ku saabsan in xidhiidh ka dhexeeyo isaga iyo Mudane Caare in ay tahay mid muujineysa in uu ku faraxsan yahay in Caare qori qaato oo uu dalkiisa ku caasiyoobo waayo, Markii la waydiiyo in xidhiidh ka dhexeeyo:

a) Waxaa uu  yidhi ” Hadii aan la lahay isku reer baa tihiin, hadii taa la yidhaahdona ciidamada qaranka oo dhami reero ayey noqonayaan”

b) Markii Arinta xalkeeda la weydiiyey wuxuu ku jawaabey oo uu yidhi: “Xalku waxaa uu ku Haboonaa markii xalku intan ka fududaa……..” Xalkeedana waxaa uu dusha ka saarey Xukuumada iyo Ciidamada Qaranka, Xukuumada ama guud ahaan dawlada waa run oo xalka waa waajibkeeda oo waa arin ka mida waajibaadkeeda. Balse ciidanka Qaranka oo waajibkiisu yahay Difaaca,nabadgelya,ilaalinta iyo u gurmashada arimaha kadiska ah ee masiibooyinka qaranka, waajibkoodu ma aha in ay Caare la xaalaan balse waa in ay ku daraan liiska askarta ka fakatey ciidamada ee la baxsadey hubkii iyo saanadii ciidamada qaranka,weliba ku soo wajahan in uu burburiyo qaranimada Somaliland, Waxaa kaliya oo ciidamada qaranku arinta Caare ciidan ahaan ku xalili lahaayeen hadii isaga oo ka mid ah ciidanka uu wixii uu tabanayo u soo gudbiyo ciidamada qaranka iyo madaxdooda sare,balse arinkaasi ma taagna imika ee waajibkoodu waa in ay ka difaacaan qaranka Caare iyo kuwa la mida.

Gudoomiye Cirona hadii uu yahay Siyaasi Somalilander dhaba oo ay dhibeyso dhibaatda Dalkiisa iyo dadkiisa wuxuu dadaal ka geli lahaa arinta Caare oo isaga ayaa dhameyn lahaa oo soo afjari lahaa intuu Caare u tago ama Gudi u saaro ayuu soo xero gelin lahaa Shacabka Somalilandna Sharaf iyo Bilad geesi buu ka heli lahaa balse ma garanayo cida uu ku haleenayo ee uu ka sugayo xalka hadii aanu ku faraxsaney ficilka Caare xitaa Cambaareyna ka ma maqal ku saabsan falka uu caare ku kacay.

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