After embrace of war criminals, time to cut off Somalia

The annual U.N. General Assembly is an orgy of symbolism. Who meets whom on the sidelines? Who tried but failed to secure a meeting with the U.S. president? Who walks out of whose speech? Whom do security officers intercept when they try to exceed the permissions of their visa?

But there’s a second chapter to the diplomatic saga: Who continues on to Washington? What they do there matters. Some go to the White House, others to Congress, and still others hold meetings with their respective diasporas.

President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, or Farmajo as he is known to his Somali constituents, visited Washington, D.C., to formally open the Somali embassy. Farmajo was once the State Department’s great hope for Somalia. Long a refugee in the United States, he acquired American citizenship and even worked in various local government posts in Buffalo, New York, before returning to Somalia to become president.

The State Department sent Donald Yamamoto, one of its highest ranking Africanists, to head the U.S. mission in Mogadishu. Yamamoto, in turn, promised Somalia almost a billion dollars in aid, although that number has shrunk considerably because of Farmajo’s ineffectiveness against (if not participation in) endemic corruption and a host of unanswered questions about his governance and priorities.

U.S. priorities in the Horn of Africa are promoting peace and stability, countering terrorism, and preventing Chinese inroads. On the latter two counts, Farmajo has already become a liability. He has sold Somali waters to Chinese interests, for example, undercutting Somali fishing and aiding a revival of piracy. In recent months, he has appeared to endorse terrorism as a policy tool against neighboring states.

His visit to Washington should now end any question about whether the Farmajo regime deserves U.S. support.

Less than six months ago, the revelation that an Uber and Lyft driver in the Washington, D.C., area was a confirmed war criminal made international headlines. At the time, numerous Somalis testified that the driver, Yusuf Abdi Ali (better known as Colonel Tukeh), had directed torture and gruesome executions of prisoners during the 1980s.

In one case, he had tied prisoners to a tree, doused them with oil, and lit them on fire. In another case, he tied a prisoner to a military vehicle and dragged him to his death. The cases were well documented, and so when Abdi Ali was found living in Canada, the Canadian government deported him. He later entered the U.S. and found work as an airport screener until he was recognized. Ultimately, after a long legal battle, the Federal Court in Alexandria, Virginia, found Abdi Ali guilty and fined him $500,000 in the case of Farhan Tani Warfaa, a Somali whom Abdi Ali had tortured and shot five times while Warfaa was a teenager.

Human rights activists and Somalia watchers were shocked, therefore, not only to see Abdi Ali attending the opening of the new Somali embassy in Washington, but also to pose for pictures with Farmajo. Politicians might get a pass when asked to pose by well-wishers whom they do not know. But in this case, Abdi Ali appeared to be working for Farmajo, setting the security perimeter.

No diplomatic smoke and mirrors can obfuscate Farmajo’s behavior. He is seeking to appeal to the worst elements of his clan rather than promoting reconciliation. In Somaliland especially, where the bulk of former dictator Siad Barre’s genocide against the Isaaq clan occurred, the wounds are still fresh and mass graves still uncovered.

Yamamoto’s strategy has effectively been one of bribery: Flood Mogadishu with aid and allow Farmajo to use it to grease patronage to unite Somalia. The strategy has not worked, however, and instead has worsened corruption, undercut development by distorting salaries, and undermines stability in Somaliland and the southern Jubbaland state, as well as other portions of Somalia that have also seen modest stabilization and success.

Even before Farmajo’s Washington trip, there were ample grounds for the State Department or Congress to review Somalia policy. For a leader such as Farmajo to pose with a war criminal should be grounds for automatic cessation of support. Somalia cannot recover with Farmajo in power. Both Somalis and American taxpayers deserve better.

by Michael Rubin | October 01, 2019

source: http://www.washingtonexaminer.com

Point: In Israel, little will change; in US-Israeli relations, stay tuned

Op-Ed

InsideSources

Foreign and Defense PolicyMiddle East

September 26, 2019

Days appear numbered for Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister. Arrogance, vendettas and corruption accusations appear to have taken their toll as Benny Gantz, a former Israeli general, squeaked past Netanyahu’s party in the election.

Progressives rejoiced. “Netanyahu is a corrupt authoritarian who tried to control the media, broke laws, and is left with no play other than lying and lashing out to stay out of prison. Israelis deserve better,” Ben Rhodes, President Obama’s deputy national security adviser, tweeted. Sara Leah Whitson, executive director for the Middle East at Human Rights Watch, celebrated, calling Netanyahu’s apparent defeat, “Hopefully a harbinger for the end of racist extremist rulers the world over!”

Netanyahu may be on his way out, but if his American opponents believe that his successors would pursue different policies, they do not understand Israel’s democracy.

Within Israeli society, Netanyahu resolved two-decades-old debates: First as finance minister and then as prime minister, he closed the door on socialism and set the seeds for Israel to become the “start-up nation.” The Israeli economy boomed, bureaucracy shrank, and almost all Israelis benefited. Many left-of-center Israeli parties dug in their heels and refused to acknowledge the debate’s end. Today, their regressive economic philosophy drags down the Israeli left as much as disputes over peace process posture.

The greater issue, however, is that Israelis consider the debate over security policy closed as well. When I taught Iranian history at Hebrew University in Jerusalem in 2001-2002, attacks interrupted almost every class, as sirens followed by text messages recalled students to hospitals, military bases or forensic units.

Many Israelis recall that period as the nadir of Israeli security. Bombs devastated pizzerias, bars, buses and hotels, killing hundreds of civilians. The West Bank barrier effectively ended the terror campaign. Progressives may conflate it with Donald Trump’s border wall, but there is broad consensus in Israeli society that walls work. Indeed, conservative Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, another lightening rod for the progressive left, might have claimed credit for the wall, but it was actually the idea of Yitzhak Rabin, the left-of-center Israeli prime minister and Nobel laureate who was later assassinated. Neither Israeli left nor right dispute the walls’ success; rather, their main dispute is who gets credit for it.

Israelis, too, are largely of one mind with regard to the futility of the land-for-peace formula. In 2005, Sharon returned the Gaza Strip in its entirety. Palestinians razed the green houses and other economic infrastructure, and transformed Gaza into a launchpad for terrorism, which did more to further cycles of violence than enable peace.

Many Democrats blame Netanyahu for peace process demise after Netanyahu rejected Obama’s 2009 call for a full settlement freeze and hope a new prime minister might reverse course and jumpstart the peace process. This too is naive. Israelis differentiate between isolated outposts and so-called natural growth – adding apartments within existing towns or rooms to existing houses. Many also believe that, since the West Bank is technically disputed rather than occupied, Palestinian construction should likewise be regulated.

The simple reality is that Palestinian rejectionism rather than settlements are the real reason for diplomatic stalemate: First in 2000 and then in 2008, Israeli prime ministers offered the Palestinian Authority independence in exchange for peace. Even Palestinian negotiators acknowledge that Ehud Olmert’s last offer was, in area, more than the entire West Bank. Palestinian leaders rejected both offers without any counteroffer, convincing Israelis that Palestinians simply would accept no peace, no matter how generous. Netanyahu’s departure will not change that.

Netanyahu’s real legacy in U.S.-Israeli ties will be different. Whereas support for Israel was once American consensus, Netanyahu’s arrogance accelerated the progressive tilt away from the Jewish state. Too many transposed hatred of Netanyahu upon Israel. Today, Democrats – especially young ones – are far more hostile to Israel and its partnership with America than their parents or peers across the aisle.

Gantz would never steer Israel away from Netanyahu’s economic or security policies, but he would steer Israel away from Netanyahu. Whether it is too late to reverse the damage the last decade of Netanyahu did in Congress, however, is another question entirely

Global Britain is leading the world as a force for good: article by Dominic Raab

Writing in the Sunday Telegraph, the Foreign Secretary says that the UK is leading by example as a force for good in the world. Published 23 September 2019 From: Foreign & Commonwealth Office and The Rt Hon Dominic Raab MP Written on: 22 September 2019

This week, I will join the Prime Minister in New York, where he is leading the UK delegation to the United Nations’ annual General Assembly. As we make progress in our Brexit negotiations, we are also taking our vision of a truly Global Britain to the UN – leading by example as a force for good in the world.

The Government is making progress on Brexit negotiations, with the European Commission President, Jean‑Claude Juncker, stating plainly “I think we can have a deal”. Meanwhile, Liz Truss, the Trade Secretary, has been in Tokyo, paving the way for a free-trade deal with Japan and the wider Asia‑Pacific region.

We want to be good European neighbours and buccaneering global free traders. But Global Britain is about more than Brexit or even free trade, important though they are. Under Boris Johnson, we intend to reinforce Britain’s role in the world as a good global citizen – and the UN is a great place to start.

Next year, we will host the UN Climate Change Summit, bringing the world together in Glasgow to demonstrate our leadership on climate change. We’ve got an impressive story to tell. After all, Britain was the first country to legislate to end our contribution to global warming, so that we leave the environment in a better state for the next generation. And our innovative approach to green technologies such as electric vehicles and renewable energy will help lead the way. We want to bring that experience to bear with our international partners – from Brazil to Indonesia – because we know this is a global challenge that demands international action.

In New York, I will speak alongside human rights lawyer and UK Special Envoy, Amal Clooney, about the new Media Freedom Coalition we’ve set up with Canada. The first wave of 26 countries has signed up, committing to protecting media freedoms in their own countries, speaking out against abuses, and standing up for oppressed journalists around the world.

Amal Clooney is convening a high-level panel of legal experts to advise countries on how to strengthen their legal protections for journalists. This international team will turn these lofty ideals into national laws that will protect journalists on the ground.

And when journalists come under assault, we’ll be there to defend them – with a Global Media Defence Fund backed by £3 million of UK funding. Working with Unesco, the fund will train journalists, help keep them safe, and provide legal assistance in some of the most dangerous places journalists work – whether it’s reporting on the Taliban from Afghanistan or tracking cartel violence in Mexico.

When we leave the EU, we will also reinforce our sanctions legislation to hold those who commit serious abuses of human rights to account – by barring them from entering the UK and freezing their assets such as bank accounts. That will provide a layer of UK accountability against those who target journalists, whistle-blowers and human rights campaigners with impunity in their own countries.

As well as championing these causes, the UN General Assembly is also an opportunity for the international community to come together to defend the international rule of law, by calling on all its members to play by the rules.

We will shine a spotlight on Iran’s violations of international law, including its destabilising actions in the region. And we will be condemning that country’s cruel practice of arbitrarily detaining dual nationals on spurious charges, often in appalling conditions, and in a flagrant disregard for international law.

We want to be a constructive voice on Hong Kong, supporting its people’s right to peaceful protest and encouraging political dialogue on all sides – within the framework of ‘one country, two systems’ that China has consistently advocated since 1984.

When we leave the EU, there will be enormous opportunities across the world. And Britain will be a force for good. We will trade more liberally, including with the poorest countries held back by Western protectionism. We will lead on climate change. We will be a champion of the basic freedoms enshrined in the UN Charter, and a doughty defender of the rules-based international system – the world’s best bet when it comes to tackling the challenges we all share

10 topics the Somali president should address when he visits the US

On Sept. 9, Somalia’s government announced that President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed who is better known as “Farmajo,” would make his first visit to the United States as president, first visiting the United Nations General Assembly before traveling to Washington, D.C. This trip will be a homecoming of sorts for Farmajo who, after the collapse of Somalia’s government in 1991, sought asylum in the United States and worked here for years.

Somalia receives only peripheral attention in the U.S., but it nevertheless receives approximately a half billion dollars of foreign aid annually, far more than any country in Latin America and the majority of Africa. Even against the backdrop of budget cuts, U.S. Ambassador Donald Yamamoto has sought nearly to double that funding. But Somalia has little to show for U.S. aid and diplomatic investment: Every year of Farmajo’s administration has seen corruption continue and insecurity increase.

While Farmajo has avoided serious discussion of Somalia’s future in Mogadishu, his visit to the U.S. provides an opportunity for him to answer some basic questions. Below are a few questions Farmajo should be asked, grouped by subject:

1. Transparency

Mr. President, you retained U.S. citizenship until earlier this summer, when you voluntarily renounced it. Did you file income tax each year during which you were an American citizen? Even Americans living abroad without tax obligations must fully report their income.

Your wealth and fortune have increased tremendously since you became Somalia’s president in February 2017. Will you release your filings to show the sources of this wealth? If you have not fulfilled your filing obligations, why not? When you step down from Somalia’s presidency and no longer have diplomatic immunity, will you be able to step foot in the United States? Or would you face charges for tax delinquency from your time as a citizen?

2. Corruption

Mr. President, Somalia receives upward of a billion dollars annually in aid, yet Transparency International has ranked Somalia as the world’s most corrupt country for well over a decade, more corrupt even than Syria, Iraq, Venezuela, Yemen and Afghanistan. “Bribery, stealing of public funds, and profiteering by authorities is an everyday fact of life” in Somalia, it found.

Do you believe Transparency International’s assessment of Somalia is wrong? If so, why? If Transparency International’s findings are correct, however, does that signal that the federal government of Somalia lacks capacity to manage the aid it receives? Why should American taxpayers support sending hundreds of millions of dollars to Mogadishu when most of it is wasted and when corruption remains rampant?

3. Security

Mr. President, it almost seems that terrorist group Al-Shabaab strikes into the heart of Mogadishu, Kismayo, and other supposedly-secure areas of Somalia on a monthly basis, and the problem only appears to be getting worse. Why? Can you show anywhere where you have made progress?

Is the government of Somalia able to maintain security as the African Union Mission in Somalia winds down its mission? How do you assess recent videos emerging showing Somalis seeking absolution from al-Shabab or swearing allegiance to the group?

There have been multiple reports that Al-Shabaab forced workers to cease construction on the Mogadishu stadium. Your government has denied this, despite evidence to the contrary. How, then, do you explain the failure of so many projects to be completed? Corruption? Incompetence?

4. Human Rights

Mr. President, can you speak to the strengths and weaknesses of the Somali constitution? Since you came to power, there have been many killings of opposition activists, and many more have been imprisoned.

An unarmed demonstrator in Baidoa was murdered. Independent journalism has declined under your watch, not only because of repression but also because of financial co-option. What are your human rights priorities? Can you outline a plan to address many of the problems that have emerged under your rule?

5. Travel

Mr. President, when you campaigned for the presidency, you criticized your predecessor for his frequent travel abroad. After all, there was so much work to be done in Somalia, the president was needed at home. And yet, once in office, you have traveled more than many other foreign leaders do.

Over the past year, for example, you have visited Ethiopia at least three-times, Italy, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Burundi, Eritrea, Japan, Turkey, the U.S., and soon Russia. This travel doesn’t include that of Somalia’s foreign minister or Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khaire. How much has such travel cost? Can you point to any trip that could not have been conducted by the foreign minister instead?

As a side note: On this current visit, you originally planned visits to see the Somali communities in Minnesota and Ohio, but canceled them after learning of planned protests. Why not listen to the protestors’ concerns directly and, if you believe them unwarranted, debate them head-on?

6. Qatar

Mr. President, your administration has moved Somalia’s foreign policy into much closer partnership with both Turkey and Qatar. You recently promoted Fahad Yasin, a former Al Jazeera employee, to be Somalia’s intelligence chief, even though as deputy intelligence director, he reportedly bragged that he was Qatar’s bagman and the maker and breaker of Somali political fortunes.

Is there truth to Yasin’s claims? Or to allegations that Yasin has multiple passports? What do you see as Qatar’s goals in Somalia? Can you account for all Qatari aid? Does it all get channeled through you, or do other Somali officials receive Qatari funding directly? Can you shed new light on reports of intercepted phone calls showing Qatari direction of some terrorist attacks inside Somalia?

7. Turkey

You have crafted tight relations with Turkey, even providing Turkey a military base in Mogadishu. Turkish officials, however, make clear that there is a quid pro quo to Turkish outreach to Africa. “We have to help them develop their system of educating Muslim clergy who will not only serve the people but also teach the people the true Islam in its purest form,” one of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s court journalists explained.

Do you agree? Erdoğan approaches Islam through the lens of the Muslim Brotherhood. Within Somalia, however, Islam traditionally embodies very different exegesis. Do you agree with Turkey’s religious imperialism? As for the base, can you explain the presence of SADAT, an Islamist paramilitary which has regularly armed and trained Islamist and insurgent groups? How much Turkish money gets distributed without any Somali audit?

8. Somaliland

British Somaliland gained its independence in 1960, but then voluntarily joined with Italian Somaliland to form Somalia. In 1991, after facing genocide at the hands of Somali dictator Siad Barre’s regime, Somaliland re-asserted its independence. It has had repeated presidential elections, its own security forces, its own currency and, unlike Somalia proper, it has security.

Mr. President, under your leadership, Somalia has increasingly sought to compel Somaliland to re-subordinate itself to Mogadishu, seeking a stop to international aid to Somaliland, an end to Somaliland’s control of its airspace, and reassertion of Mogadishu’s control. Given all the problems Somalia faces, though, should a political or military fight with Somaliland really be your priority?

Is the conflict with Somaliland part of a strategy to utilize nationalism to deflect attention from Somalia’s own failures? More basically, if Somalia’s goal is unification, wouldn’t it be better to convince Somaliland to rejoin by ensuring Somalia outperforms it? If security and standards of living are higher in Somaliland than in Somalia proper, why not replicate Somaliland’s success rather than try to smother it?

9. Prime Minister Khaire

Mr. President, Prime Minister Khaire visited Washington, DC, less than six months ago. Much of his visit appears geared to positioning himself to replace you. To what extent is the jockeying for position between you and he impacting re-construction? If Khaire becomes president, will you feel safe remaining in Somalia? If not, what does this say about rule-of-law inside Somalia? Are you satisfied with Khaire’s stewardship and his cabinet?

10. Oil

Mr. President, it is widely believed that there is significant oil in Somali and Kenyan waters. Somalia has taken its maritime dispute to the International Court of Justice. Many experts believe the ruling falls in Somalia’s favor, although the presence of a Somali judge who did not recuse himself may given Kenyan authorities a way to dispute it.

Can you reveal details of the auction held for oil and gas exploration in the disputed waters? Why did you not wait for the court’s ruling? If oil is found, what mechanisms have you planned to ensure it does not fuel further conflict within Somalia or get siphoned off into officials’ overseas bank accounts?

In short, Mr. President, welcome back to the United States. You have an incredibly difficult job, but that should not mean a blank check. Can you assure Congress and the broader public that Somalia is better off under your leadership and that its trajectory remains positive?

Does aid do more harm than good? Or is Somalia destined to another decade or more of state failure?

More than two years into your administration, the questions above remain unanswered. Your visit to the United Nations and Washington, D.C., provides an opportunity to address them, and frankly, due diligence requires that you do.

by Michael Rubin  | September 18, 2019

Michael Rubin (@Mrubin1971) is a contributor to the Washington Examiner‘s Beltway Confidential blog. He is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and a former Pentagon official.